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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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ADDRESS 



AND 



PROCEEDINGS 



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OF THE \^ 






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DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION. 



HELD AT ROME. 



AUGUST, 1849. 



ALBANY: 

PRINTED BY CHARLES VAN BENTHUYSEN. 
1849. 



^ 



ADDRESS. 



To the Democratic Electors of the State of New-York. 



The Democracy of the State of New-York, 
sincerely desirous of union with all who have 
heretofore acted in political fellowship with 
thenti, and deploring the consequences of di- 
▼ision and alienation, as well upon the great 
interests of the country as the integrity and 
ascendency of the Democratic Party, have 
approached the question of attempted concili- 
ation with a deep sense of its importance. — 
They could not but feel that upon the Demo- 
cratic Convention at Rome, and upon its pro- 
ceedings, would hinge events of great import 
to the well-being of the State and Union. If 
they know themselves, they have sought to 
allay rather than irritate — to mollify and heal 
rather than reopen old wounds — to conciliate 
and restore good feeling, rather than provoke 
a morbid and acrimonious hostility. 

In this spirit the Democratic State Commit- 
tee proposed the recent separate state con- 
ventions. They did not hesitate to renew 
the proposition made by the democratic 
members of the state legislature, and reject- 
«fi or disregarded then by the members of the 
"Free Soil" organization. They felt it to be 
an incumbent duty, in view of the evils of 
whig misrule in the state and national gov- 
ernments, and of divisions in our own State 
so well calculated to perpetuate both, to make 
a final and earnest effort to combine once 
more, in a common movement and upon a 
union ticket for state officers, the hopes and 
energies of the friends of the democratic cause . 
In presenting it for the consideration of the 
adverse organization, they arefully abstain- 
ed from all allusions to questions of past dif- 
ference, or to any topic that could revive or 
provoke controversy. 

If the etibrt was not met at the outset in a 
like conciliatory spirit by the other organiza- 
tion — if the slavery question, in relation to 
which feeling and irritation have existed, and 
which Jias been made a cause of embittered 



intestine division, was thrown by them directly 
into the correspondence — if the same factious 
and disorganizing spirit, which exhibited itself 
at the last election in a separate and irrregular 
organization at Buffalo and elsewhere, and in 
ticKets hostile to the regular democratic 
nominees, was manifested in quarters repre- 
senting the wishes and professing to reflect 
the opinions of the adverse organization, — 
nevertheless the Democratic State Committee 
proceeded in the effort to afford to the demo- 
cratic masses of the state an opportunity, 
forgetting the past, or discarding the sources 
of division, to come together with mutual 
aims of conciliation and amity. 

That opportunity has been afforded. We as- 
sembled at Rome as delegates duly chosen to 
represent the Democratic Party of the State. 
We came, rot in a spirit of antagonism, but 
actuated by a cordial desire to conciliate. — 
We came, hot to carry a point or to enforce 
a dictum, but to convince those who had 
heretofore co-operated with the Demo- 
cratic Party, and all who entertain a sincere 
desire to resume the relations of ancient fel- 
lowship, that there were great common 
grounds on which this desirable result could 
be attained, without derogating from the 
opinions of any one or any portion of either 
organization, in relation to questions which 
have not been regarded as matters of political 
faith, and without requiring or yielding con- 
cessions, not essential to unity, and which 
neither could make with honor. 

We aimed not to depart from this great and 
liberal rule of action. We have presented it 
to the other organization, not only as the ba- 
sis of all the past action of the Democratic 
Party, but in the terms and the forms adopted 
heretofore by that organization. It has been 
rejected by them. They demanded, as the 
condition of union, the distinct adoption of 
an extreme abstract position, unknown in the 



past action of the Democratic Party, unne- 
cessary in any view of its future action, not 
demanded by any great public exigency, not 
required even if not objected to, to prevent 
the extension of slavery, but widely objected 
to at the North and at the South, as produc- 
tive only of intestine evil and sectional agita- 
tion, and pernicious in its fruits upon the unity 
of the Democracy and the integrity of the 
Union ; — and yet insisted upon as a test of 
democracy — as the touchstone of faith — as 
an "uncompromising" avowal, which all must 
make or subscribe to, whatever may be their 
convictions of its necessity, its propriety, or 
its constitutionality, or of the rights of the 
people of the territories, or the powers 
of Congress. A more illiberal or des- 
potic dictum, could not well be proclaimed. 
It is in the very spirit of despotism. It insists 
not only that the Democratic Party shall pre- 
sent this new, and until two years since un- 
known test, but that all, whatever they may 
think, or believe, shall avow it; — and that if 
all this be not conceded — if the test be not 
accepted — alienation from the democratic 
party, hostility to its candidates and orgaiza- 
tion, and combinations with whigs and aboli- 
tionists to defeat its tickets and subvert its 
landmarks and organization, will ensue. 
'TiC.Since the foundations ol the Democratic 
/Party were laid by Mr. Jefferson, the Slavery 
Question has never been regarded, in any 
form, as a part of its creed, or as a (est of 
its faith. It has been sufficient, that upon 
the distinctive doctrines and measures of that 
party, its friends, knowing no section or geo- 
graphical dividing line, have cordially co- 
operated, strong in concord as united in es- 
sential doctrine ; leaving to every man entire 
freedom of opinion and action upon the ques- 
tion of slavery. That great party, moving in 
its true orbit, embracing the North and the 
South, and the East and the West, knowing 
no sectional lines, has ever sought to sustain 
the true interests of the country, the rights 
of the States, and the inviolability of the Con- 
stitution. From the era of 1798 — during the 
period of British aggression anterior to the 
war of 1812, when the federal party taunted 
the democratic administration that they could 
not be " kicked into a war" — during the me- 
morable and unavoidable conflict which fol- 
lowed that insolent taunt, so momentous and 
glorious in our annals, but which that same 
party denounced as wicked and unjustifiable, 
and embarrassed in every form of party hos- 
tility — during the embittered contest with the 
Moneyed Power, and its gigantic and corrupt 
auxiliary — during the war with Mexico and 
its brilliant results, but not less the subject of 
whig or federal denunciation, attempted em- 
barrassment and hostility — in short, during 
all the democratic administrations from Jef- 
ferson to Polk, — the Democratic Party has 
stood before the world as a great National 
Party — presenting its broad and distinc- 1 



five principles to the consideration of all 
men — ^jealous of the honor of the country 
and the rights of the people — ever prompt to 
vindicate and maintain both — but avoiding 
sectional issues, seeking no fellowship with 
factions, and resisting all mcendiary move- 
ments, whether at the North or the South, 
calculated to disturb the relations of concord 
between different portions of the republic, 
and to weaken and impair the cohesion and 
union of the states. It has ever proved itself 
the Party of the Country, the Con- 
servator OF Union, the Palladium 
OF the Popular Rights, and of a 
great, pervading and patriotic 
National Democracy. 

Although started at an earlier period in our 
history by the Eastern federalists, the Sla- 
very Agitation, as a party movement, may be 
said to have had its origin in the Hartford 
Convention. One of the avowed objects of 
that treasonable assemblage was to effect 
" a more radical reform in the national com- 
pact, to secure the attachment and support 
of all the people, by placing all on the ba- 
sis of fair representation.'' The slave 
population, and the factof its forming in part 
the basis of federal representation, was the 
principal ground on which the structure of 
sectional prejudices was attempted to be erec- 
ted, '^he first amendment proposed by that 
assemblage to the constitution of the United 
States, was for the apportionment of represen- 
tatives in the several states according to their 
resj'ective numbers of free persons, exclud- 
ing slaves; and, in order to check the advanc- 
ing population and rising power of the West, 
(chiefly carved nut of the original territory 
of the South), they proposed a second amend- 
ment, " that no new state should be admitted 
into the union by congress, without the con- 
currence of two-thirds." The movement at 
Hartford was sectional and geographical — ad- 
dressed to the Eastern and Northern states — 
and designed, by appeals to local and section- 
al interests and prejudices, to control the 
government, or to sever the union. The 
South was democratic — Mr. Madison was 
democratic — the administration, from the ac- 
cession of Mr. Jefferson to that moment, had 
been in democratic hands. Hatred of the 
democracy, and the desire of power, stimu- 
lated the federalists to constant efforts to re- 
cover it. A sectional issue, under the plea 
of unfair representation, and a natural repug- 
nance to slavery, was regarded by the Essex 
Junto and the assailants of the war and of the 
Democratic Party, as the most cunning and 
the most effective form of embarrassment to 
the one and of resistance to the otherX Preemi- 
nent were the de mocracy of New -Yowc, under 
the leadership of the patriot "Tompkins, 
in sustaining the national democratic party 
and its administration, and in crushing this 
the germ of a sectional organization and of 
disunion. _ 



In the history of the country, the next ef- 
fort in a like spirit, was the more distinct 
agitation of (he M^ssouLL^uestion. Six years 
had not changed the nature""f)fTe3l!ralism, its 
aims, its means, or the political aspects of the 
country. The National Democratic Party 
was still in the ascendant. A southern dem- 
ocrat still occupied the executive chair. The 
desire of power was not less an absorbing 
stimulant with the Federal Party. Again the 
Slavery Question and a sectional issue seemed 
to offer, at whatever hazard to the tranquility 
ol the country and the integrity of the union, 
the readiest mode of attaining its object. So 
lona as the Democratic Party, standing upon 
its broad principles, under the aegis of the 
constitution, maintained its national cohesion, 
they had nothing to hope. To separate 

IT INTO FRAGMENTS, BY GEOGRAPHI- 
CAL, LINES, AND BY A CONTEST BE- 
TWEEN SECTIONS, was again the labor of 
the Eastern and Northern federalists. They 
were smitten, in the spirit of the more mod- 
ern Buffalo creed, with a sudden and remark- 
ably earnest desire to " restrict and localize 
slavery." In perfect accordance, in sentiment, 
declaration and effort, with the Northern abo- 
litionists, they revived the agaitation, began 
at Hartford, and destined to continue a party 
adjunct in the undying desire to overthrow 
the Democratic Party. Every reader of 
American history is familiar with the progress 
and result of that embittered sectional war. 
The Democracy of New-York, constant, 
as amidst the perils of the war and the treason 
of the Hartford Convention, to the principles 
and organization of the National Democratic 
Party, successfully maintained both, and tri- 
umphed over this second labor of the federal 
politicians. 

The great name of Jefferson has been 
invoked, recently, by those who seek to renew 
the agitation of the Slavery Question. Ho v 
that illustrous patriot and statesman regarded 
it, is well known, and to none better than to 
the democracy of this state. "This mo- 
mentous question," (the Missouri agita- 
tion) said he, "like a fire-bell in the night, 
" awakened and tilled me with (error. I 
" considered it at once the knell of the Union. 
" It is hushed, indeed, for the momen'. But 
*' this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. 
" A geographical line, coinciding with a 
" marked principle, moral and political, once 
*' conceived, and held up to (lie angry pas- 
" sions of men, will never be oblKerated; 
" and every new irritation will mark it deep- 
" er and deeper." "Of one thing I am cer- 
" tain, that as the passage of slaves from 
" one state to another, would not make a slave 
" of a sinjile human being, who would not be 
" so without it, so their diffusion over a great- 
*' er surface, would make them individually 
*' happier, and proportionally facilitate the 
•' accomplishment of their emancipation, 
" by dividing the burthen of a great num- 



" ber of coadjutors, jin abstinence too, 
"from this act of power, would remove the 
" jealous)' excited by the undertaking of 
" Congress to regulate the condition of the 
" different descriptions of men composing a 
" state. This certainly is the exclusive right 
" of every state, which nothing in the con- 
" stitution has taken from them, and given to 
" the general government. Could Congress, 
" for example, say that the non-freeman of 
" Connecticut shall be freemen, or that they 
" shall not emigrate into another state.'" 
And again, " The Hartford Convention, 
" the victory of Orleans, (he peace of Ghent, 
" prostrated the name of federalism. Its vo- 
" taries abandoned it through shame and 
" mortification; and now call themselves re- 
" publicans. Butthe name alone is changed, 
" the principles are the same. For in truth, 
" the parties of Whig and Tory are those of 
" nature." " On the eclipse of federalism 
" with us, although not its extinction, its 
" leaders got up the 3Iissouri question, un- 
" der the false front of lessening the measure 
" of slavery, but with the real view of pro- 
" daeing a geographical division of parties, 
" which might ensure them the next Presi- 
" dent. The people of the North went blind- 
" fold into the snare, followed their leaders 
" for a while with a zeal truly moral and 
" laudable, until they became sensible that 
" they had been used merely as tools for elcc- 
" tioneering purposes; and that trick of hy- 
" pocrisy then fell as quickly as it had been 
" got up." 

Another sexenninal period elapsed, and the 
same geograihical and sectional war was re- 
newed, by the same party, and for the same 
object. The Democratic Party was still in the 
ascendant; and under the last of the southern 
democratic presidents, the Hero and Sage 
of the Hermitage, (he whole brood of federal 
measures, — (he Bank, a Protective Tariff, 
and a gigantic scheme of government inter- 
nal improvements, — had been swept away. — 
But the restless desire of pow.»r remained; 
and as the fortresses of federalism fell, one 
after another, they again entrenched them- 
selves behind their favorite geographical issue. 
They resorted once more to the old means, 
which at Hartford and in the Missouri agita- 
tion had proved impotent to divide, dissever 
and defeat the Democratic Party. Suddenly, 
again, slavery was the great moral and social 
evil that must be expelled from the country. 
The labor of suppression began with the Dis- 
trict of Columbia; and the country was fierce- 
ly agitated, and Congress inundated with ap- 
peals for its suppression there. The federal 
paity, which had resolved henceforth to call 
themsevles whigs, with the abolitionists of 
both sexes, were furious to suppress slavery 
in (he District of Columbia. Never, in the 
history of this republic, has this baneful 
question assumed an aspect of fiercer desper- 
ation. It was met and resisted in the most 



unqualified terms of reprobation by the uni- 
ted Democracy of the Union. Mr. Van Bu- 
ren and Mr. Wright at once declared the 
most unhesitating hostility to the abolition 
of slavery in the District. Mr. Van Buren, 
as President of the Senate, gave his casting 
vote in favor of the bill, authorising the .south- 
ern post-masters to open the mail-bags, and 
suppress the incendiary abolition publications. 
At iheDemocralicNationalConventioa in 1835, 
by which Mr. Van Buren was nominated, in an 
address prepared by a committee of which 
Mr. Wright w^as one, and which Mr. Van Bu- 
ren approved, the whole scheme of slavery 
agitation was condemned in terms the strong- 
est and most forcible of which our language 
is capable. It spoke of the attempt to create 
sectional parties, as "the most mis- 
chievous AND WICKED THAT HAVE EV- 
ER BEEN MADE AGAINST THE PEACE 
AND HAPPINESS OF THE COUNTRY." It 

said "true republicans could never lend tlieir 
aid in creating geographical parties in the 
East, West, North or South." It quoted 
the warning adjurations of Washington and 
Madison, against those "detestible efforts to 
alienate one portion of the country from the 
rest, and to enfeeble the sacred ties which link 
together the various parts." And it concluded 
with the earnest declaration, that against "this 
dangerous spirit of sectionalism and divis- 
wn — those unhallowed attempts to loeaken 
the bonds of our glorious confederacy — it be- 
comes the duty of every wisa man,of every hon- 
est man, and of every true j^merican, to watch 
with sleepless vigilence." A meeting was 
held in the city of Albany, in which A. 
C. Flagg, John A. Dix and John Van Buren 
were prominent, over which Wm. L. Marcy, 
then the Executive of the State, presided, and 
at which Gen. Dix reported the resolu- 
tions. These were a most emphatic con- 
demnation of the Slavery Agitation. They 
declared that "the union of the States, w^hich 
under Providence had conferred ihe richest 
blessings on the people, was the result of com- 
promise and conciliation; that we can only 
hope to maintain it by abstaining from all in- 
terference with the laws, domestic policy 
and peculiar interests of every other state; 
and that all such interference, which tends to 
alienate one portion of our country from 
the rest, deserves to be frowned upon 
with indignation by all who cherish the prin- 
ciples of our revolutionary fathers, and who 
desire to preserve the Constitution, by the ex- 
ercise of that spirit of amity which actuated 
its framers." Gen. Dix, in his speech on that 
occasion, not only affirmed, "as a fundamen- 
tal condition of our social existence, that the 
question of slavery in a slave holding state 
shall not be disturbed by the people or gov- 
ernment of any other state ; and tliat the gen- 
eral government has no control over it;" but 
he held that "there was a political obligation 



rising out of the compromise of interests in 
whicn the loundations of the Union were laid, 
to abstain from every species of interference 
which may tend to disturb the domestic quie- 
tude, or put in jeopardy the rights of proper- 
ty, which the Constitution was designed to 
secure." Mr- Van Buren declared, in reply 
to an api)lication from North Carolina, that 
if elected to the Presidency, he "must go ia- 
" to the presidential chair the inflexible and 
"uncompromising opponent tf any attempt 
" on tiie part of Congress to abolish slavery 
"in the District of Columbia, against the 
" wishes of the slave states:" he urged the 
people of the North and the South "to visit 
with their severest displeasure any at 

TESIPT TO CONNECT THE SUBJECT WITH 

PARTY POLITICS;" and he expressed the 
hope that "the efforts oi' those who may per- 
sist in tiie work of agitation, may be over- 
come by reason, or rendered inoperative by 
constitutional remedies." In his inaugural 
address, he renewed these declarations, in 
language equally explicit. Repeating his dec- 
laration of inflexible and uncompromising 
opposition to any attempt on the part of Con- 
gress to abolish slavery in the District 
of Columbia, against the wishes of the 
slave slates, he made the strongest 
avowal in relation to any prospective ac- 
tion of Congress known in our public hi.story. 
He said, "no bill conflicting with these views, 
can ever receive my constitutional sanction." 
He said also, that "the last, perhaps the great- 
est, of the prominent sources of discord and 
disaster supposed to lurk in our political con- 
dition, was the institution of domestic slave- 
ry," — that "if the agitation of this subject was 
intended to reach the stability of our instit i- 
tions, enough had occurred to show that it had 
signally failed;" and thatalthough"sucH at- 
tempts AT DANGEROUS AGITATION 
MIGHT PERIODICALLY RETURN, yetivith 

each the object would be uderstood." The dem- 
ocratic members of Congress of both houses, 
held a meeting, and through their chairman, 
John M.Niles, reprobated all efforts at slavery 
agitation or sectional interference. And fi- 
nally, during the same session, (1838) the 
democratic majority, under the sanction and 
guidance of Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Wright, 
felt it their duty to arrest the "periodical re- 
turn of this attempt at dangerous agitation." 
It had assumed the form of petitions to Con- 
gress for the abolition of slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia and in the territories, 
and for the aboli ion of the internal slave 
trade, so called. The entire whig and aboli- 
tion strength, in and out of Congress, was en- 
gaged with great zeal, in this fresh labor of 
party agitation. To meet and defeat it, the 
celebrated resolutions of Mr. Atherton were 
introduced. They were adopted mth the en- 
tire concurrence of Mr. Van Buren, Mr. 
Wright and Col. Benton, of nearly all 



the democratic members of Congress,* of the 
entire democratic national and state admini- 
strations, and of the democratic press of all 
parts of the Union. They were resisted by 
the united northern Federal or Whig vote, 
attacked with violence by the abolitionists, 
and denounced by the whig press. So uni- 
rersal was the concurrence, among democrats, 
in the general positions of these resolutions 
in relation to the slavery agitation, and the 
interference of congress in its abolition in the 
District of Columbia, and the Territories, 
that because Mr. H. A. Foster, (while he 
C'.ucurred in their general scope) object- 
ed to the last resolution as trenching upon 
the right of petition, he was denounced 
by the politicians who are the leaders in the 
present Slavery Agitation, in this state, as 
"unsound!" ihese resolutions were as fol- 
lows : 

1. Resnlvid, That this government is a govern- 
ment of limited powers, and that, by the consti- 
tution of the United States, Congress has no ju- 
risdiction whatever over the subject of slavery 
in the several States of this confederacy. 

2. RcsdIvliI, That petitions for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, and the ter- 
ritories of the United States, and against the re- 
moval of slaves from one state to another, are a 
part of a plan of operations set on foot to affect 
the institution of slavery in the several Stales, 
and thus indirectly destroy that institution with- 
in their limits. 

3. Re!.o,veil, Tliat Congress has no right to do 
that indirectly which it cannot do directly; and 
that the agitation of the subject of slaverj- in the 
District of Columbia, or the Territories, as a 
means antl with a view of disturbing or over- 
throwing that institution in the several States, 
is against the true spirit and meaning of the con- 
stitution, an infringement of the rights of the 
States affected, and a breach of the public faith 
upon which they entered into the confederation. 

4. RKsolmd, That the constitution rests on the 
broad principles of equality among the members 
of this confederacy, anil that congress, in the ex- 
ercise of its acknowledged powers, has no right 
to discriminate between the institutions of one 
of the States and another, with a view of abolish- 
ing the one and promoting the other. 

5. Resov.ed, therefore. That all attempts on the 
part of Congress to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia or the Territories, or to pro- 
hibit the removal of slaves from State to State,, 
or to discriminate between the institutions of 
one portion of tlic confederacy and another, with 
the views aforesaiit, are in violation of the con- 
stitution, destructive of the fundamental princi- 
ple on which the union of these States rests, and 
beyond the jurisdiction of Congress; and thit 
every petition, memorial, resolution, proposi- 
tion, or paper, tou'hing or relating in any way, 
or to any extent whatever, to slavery as afore- 
said, or to the abolition thereof, shall on the pre- 
sentation thereof, without any further action 
thereon, be laid upon the table, without being 
debated, printed, or referred." 

These proceedings, so unequivocal in their 
import — and so significant of the democratic 
sentiment of the country — had been preceded 
by the parting admonitions of Jackson. 

* Among the members who voted for the Atherton reso- 
lutions, was Doct. \Vm. Tatlor, president of the Rome free 
soil convention. ' 



His valedictory to the American people, 
over whom he had presided with equal wis- 
dom and patriotism, was filled with this topic. 
Alluding to the farewell address of Washing- 
" ton, he said: " He has cautioned us in the 
" strongest terms, against the formation of 
" parties on geographical discriininations, 
" as one of the means which might disturb 
" the union, and to which designing 

" MEN WOULD BE LIKELY TO RESORT." 

" Amid the general prosperity and splendid 

" success which has followed the adoption of 

" the federal consti'ution. the dangers of 

" which he warned us are becoming every 

" day more evident, and the signs of evil are 

" sufficiently apparent to awaken the deepest 

" anxiety in the bosom of thi patriot, fj^e 

" behold systematic efforts publicly made to 

" sow; the seeds of discord between different 

! " parts of the United States, and to place 

" party divisions directly upon geographi- 

" cal distinctions; to excite the South 

' " against the North, and the North against 

I " the South, and to force into the controversy 

" the most delicate and exciting topics, upon 

' " which it is impossible that a large portion 

I " of the Union can ever speak without strong 

" emotions." " Rest assured that 

" THE MEN FOUND BUSY IN THIS 

i " WORK OF DISCORD, ARE NOT WOR- 

l"THY OF YOUR CONFIDENCE. AND 

I " DESERVE YOUR STRONGEST REP- 

\ " ROBATION." 

Thus, during the unbroken course of the 
Democratic Party of the Union, tlirough the 
! entire series of republican Presidents, the 
agitation of the slavery question, its inlroduc- 
I tion as a party test or issue, and the attempts 
j to create geographical parties, have been re- 
garded and resisted as an antagonist prin- 
ciple of that party, and as an element of dis- 
union. 

But they did not choose to rest the question 
alone even upon this high concurrent action 
and expression of democratic statesmen and 
legislators nearly coequal with tiie foimdation 
of the government. They embodied the 
democratic sentiment on the subject in the 
highest political assemblage known to their 
organization. At the National Convention 
held at Baltimore in 1840, at which Mr. Van 
Buren was nominated for a re-election, the 
democracy of the Union placed themselves 
distinctly on record, upon this and all the 
questions that divide the Democracy and the 
Federalism or Whigism of tlie country. They 
resolved, " That Congress has no power 
" under the constitution, to interfere with or 
" control the domestic institutions of the 
" several States, and that such States are the 
'• sole and proper judges of every thing ap- 
" pertaining to their own affairs, not proTiibi- 
" ted by the constitution; that all efforts oj 
" the abolitionists and others, made to 
" INDUCE Congress to interfere 
" with questions of slavery, or to 



" take incipient steps in relation thereto, are 
" calculated to lead to the most alarming- 
" and dangerous consequences, and that all 
" such efforts have an irresistible tendency 
** to diminish the happiness of the peo 
" pie, and endanger the stability and per- 
" manency of the Union, and ought not to be 
" countenanced by any friend to our political 
*' institutions." This resolution, drawn up 
as we believe by Silas Wright, and cer- 
tainly approved by him, was unanimously a- 
dopted by the National Convention — was ibur 
years afterward reported by B. F. Butler, 
and reaffirmed by the National Democracy of 
1844; and again adopted and reiterated by the 
Democratic National Convention of 1848. 

If there is one feature for which the Na- 
tional Democratic Party is distinguished be- 
yond another, it is that of antagonism to the 
slavery agitation in every form. From first 
to last they have stood before the world in 
this high atiitude of patriotism, and have 
successfully maintained the democratic cause 
and principles. From the begining also, or 
at least from the advent and fall of the Hart- 
ford Convention, the Slavery Question and 
Sectional Division and Partvism have been an 
element and adjunct of Federalism and Abo - 
litionism. " Periodically," these combined 
adversaries ol the Democracy, have renewed 
these attempts at "dangerous agitation," as 
an auxiliary to their unabated desire lo divide 
and overthrow the Democratic Party. But 
until the last election, the scheme of division, 
hostile to the best interests of the country, 
and threatening evil f 'r beyond the strife of 
parties or the hopes of individual aspirants, 
resulted in the discomfiture of its authors. 

At that election, a new auxiliary entered 
the field of division. In all the Northern 
states, individuals who had previously acted 
with the Democratic Party, some of them 
prominently so, and who had enjoyed its con- 
fidence, and upon whom its favor had been 
lavished, separate J from it, and assumed pre- 
cisely the antagonist ground upon which Fed- 
eralism and Abolitionism had previously as- 
sailed it in vain. In this State, the division 
began in 1847. In that year, this body of 
partisans insisted that tlie issue which the Na- 
tional Democratic Party had uniformly re- 
jected as a party element, should be adoiited 
— should Ibnn a part of the party expres- 
sion and declaration: — and because the Demo- 
cratic State Convention of that year declined 
to engraft this new diclum into the demo- 
cratic creed, but preferred, as in all past 
time, that as a disturiing element it shoukl 
be allowed to remain an individual sentiment 
and not a party axiom, a body of partisans, 
who have since assumed a " free soil" or- 
ganization, styling themselves in some quar- 
ters the " free democracy," and known by 
various aiipellatives, rel'used to support the 
democratic nominations, made in conformity 
to the uniform democratic usage and avow- 



ing the well known principles of the demo- 
cratic party — and, withholding their votes, 
contributed directly to the success of the 
Whig party, and to the election of the present 
Whig state officers. They threw the State 
in all its departments, into the hands of the 
old, active and uniform antagonists of the 
Democratic Party. At the last election, this 
defection, assuming a bolder front, and a 
more distinct antagonism, separated from the 
National Democratic Party, and assembling 
at Buffalo, and inviting and receiving the co- 
operation of partizans of all faiths and creeds, 
adopted a new " platform," embracing fed- 
eral and abolition doctrines, and standing 
upon it during the campaign, brought out 
separate third party tickets, comprising as 
canaiflales, whigs, abolitionists, and seceding 
democrats, and thus threw the government 
and administration of the Nation, as they had 
previously done that of the State, into the 
hands of the Whig Party. With a peculiar 
consistency, they professed to regard the prin- 
ciple of hostility to the extension of slavery, 
and its distinct party avowal, >is the only 
question involved in the contest. Acting on 
this profession, and with exclusive reference 
to that sin^jfle point, they separated from the 
Democratic Party, withheld their support from 
the democratic candidate for the Presidency, 
and thereby secured, as they well knew would 
be the case if their efforts were at all potential, 
the success of the Whig nominee. Thus aim- 
ing to defeat a Democrat, distinguished as 
such in the highest civil stations during more 
than forty years public service, a citizen of a 
free state, and o])posed to slavery extension; 
and to elect the V\ hig candidate, standing as 
such in known hostility to the principles and 
organization of the democratic l)arty, a citi- 
zen of a slave state, an extensive slave own- 
er, and, with such interests and associations, 
not doubted to favor the institution and ex- 
' tension of slavery ! 

With this summary and impartial, and as 
we believe unexcited view of the course of 
political parties in the Union and in this State, 
we leave the facts to the consideration of all 
.sincere democrats. Avoiding here any at- 
tempt to control their judgments by scan- 
ning tlse motives, whether of disappointment, 
ambition or revenge, of those who have 
sought to divide the Democratic Party, by in- 
sisting upon a party test, in all previous pe- 
riods of our history known as a part of the 
federal, whig and abolition tactics, un- 
iinown in the democratic theory or practice, 
and in distinct antagonism to the great prin- 
ciple which has guided the course of the fa- 
thers of the democracy and the friends of tlie 
union, in their earnest and uniform appeals 
against the formation of paifies, fiunded on 
sectional issues and geographical dislinclions. 
]?ut we may ask, and it becomes a duty to 
ask, what shall be the course of all who ad- I 
here, with fidelity, to the faith and organ- 



y 



ization of the Democratic Party? Shall they 
step from the broad and high ground on 
which they have heretofore, under all the vi- 
cissitudes and struggles of a warfare of half 
a century against the adversaries of Democ- 
racy, stood before the world, self-reliant, con- 
sistent, and mainly victorious, and plant 
themselves upon this single anti-slavery idea? 
Shall they leave the great Democratic Party 
of the Union, and join themselves, (whether 
in submission or in cotrolling position is non- i 
essential,) to this sectional and geographical 
party ? What true democrat will advise it? ! 
And what true and honest democrat will toler- 
ate it? What should we gain to the cause of 
free government, and to the durable interests 
of republicanism, by adopting the course and 
principles of the Eastern and Northern Fed- 
eralists, even if we should be successful in 
securing a few oflSces in the state or under 
the general government, that would compen- 
sate for the sacrifice of consistency and hon- 
or, the surrender of position, the obliteration 
of the democratic landmarks, in short, for 
affording a practical illustration of the vaunt- 
ed but ungrateful and groundless declaration 
that "the National Democratic Party is dis- 
solved?" 

The Democracy of New-York, who have 
maintained their faith and principles, felt that 
they conceded all that could be demanded or 
submitted to, when they proposed to meet 
those who have voluntarily separated from the 
Democratic Party of the State and Union, 
upon equal terms, requiring no admissions, 
asking no explanations, and agreeing, at once, 
to unite in a common organization and in the 
suj)port of common tickets, upon the old 
democratic platform. Op[)Osed to slavery as 
a social evil, opposed to its extension to free 
territory, and opposed to making sentiments 
upon this subject a political test, whether at- 
tempted to be imposed at the North or 
at the South, they have no new views to 
express on this subject, nor any declara- 
tions to make, inconsistent with the uni- 
form tenor of their course and declarations 
as democrats. Leaving to whigs and aboli- 
tionists the " periodical agitation" of this ques- 
tion, in terms adapted to the incongruous po- 
sition of a slave-holding Executive and an 
abolition constituency which secured his elec- 
tion, we concede to every democrat the clear- 
V est right of opinion upon this subject. 
» The object of the Democralic State Con- 
vention at Rome, the proceedings of which 
have been laid before you, was to obtain un- 
ion and harmony among the democratic mass- 
es oi tliis state. To attain this end, we were 
willing to disregard all questions of form, 
and sacrifice all personal considerations. We 
did not hesitate to go to the exlremest verge 
of concession. We did not believe the slave- 
ry question a proper element of party discus- 
sion. We conformed in this respect to the 
uniform course and opinion of the Democrat- 



ic Party, and regarded its connection with 
politics as pernicious in any form. We 
had been taught by the sages and statesmen 
of the democracy to leave the question where 
the}' had left it, strictly within the guarantees 
of the Constitution; — to avoid its agitation as 
a device of the enemies of the democratic 
party — as the weapon of ambitious and design- 
ing men, and as a scheme of ultimate disunion. 
Still, for the sake of harmony, we not only 
met on equal terms with those whose leaders, 
once belonged to the Democratic Party, and 
sharing largely of its bounty and honors, had 
deserted that party , and combining with fede: al 
and abolition opponents against if, had carried 
with them many of its former worthy friends, 
but we took the initiative, and invited them to 
a mode of union which could be offensive to 
none, i.nd should have been acceptable to all. 

We did not hesitate at the opening of our "" 
convention, to ofTer the other convention a 
committee of conciliation, with full powers to 
adjust differences and effect union. We were 
met at the outset, with what we cannot now 
but regard as an obstacle intended to be insu- 
perable. Before the official notification of the 
appointment of our committee was laid before 
the Free Soil Convention, though not until af- 
ter it was in possession of their chairman and 
well known to members, they hurried through 
two resolutions, the last of which avowed the 
doctrine of the Wilmot Proviso. The mover 
declared in offering them that that they were 
intended as instructions to any committee 
they might appoint, and as their answer to 
any proposition that might be presented on 
our part. There was even some ohjection to the 
appointment of a committee to confer or 
meet with ours; and when a committee was 
appointed, they refused to invest it with any 
power, but restricted it to the nominal duty 
of receiving and bearing our propositions to 
their convention, and negotiating "on all mat- 
ters except principle." Their leaders said 
they had assumed their position, and that there 
' was nothing left about which to negotiate. 
Notwithstanding these indications, unpro- 
! pitious to harmony, our convention received 
1 their resolutions — referred them to our com- 
, mittee, and sent the latter on their mission of 
conciliation. ~- 

J Our committee at once offered to avoidb^ 
the slavery agitation, in accordance with the 
[ uniform course of the democratic party, and 
' waiving all questions of past division, to unite 
in one organization and upon a union ticket 
for state officers. This was refused by the 
I other convention. Then, our committee, un- 
willing yet to quit the field of effort, offered 
I the principle of opposition to the extension of 
I slavery to free territory, declaring it as a sen- 
j timent of the North, but disclaiming if, in the 
language of the seceding convention of last 

year, as a test of party faith or as a condi- 
i tion of j)oIitical association. It was earnest- 
; ly hoped that the free soil convention would 



10 



not take a position further removed from the 
democratic party than that which they held 
when thev seceded. But in this we were dis- 
appointed. This concession was also "dis- 
tinctly declined." Their original resolution 
upon the subject of slavery was reaffirmed 
in the most explicit terms. We were invited 
to assemble with the free soil delegates in one 
common convention, and this invitation was 
extended upon the sole ground of adopting 
"the distinct expression upon the subject of 
slavery" put forth by them; or in other words, 
our express concurrence in the principle of 
the Wilmol Proviso was required as a prere- 
quisite to union. 

It is true they employed the ambiguous ex- 
pression that they did not propose the decla- 
ration "as a test of any man's individiinl de- 
mocracy; or of his right to membership and 
association with the party," but they avoided 
saying that it was not a party test, and in no 
stage of their proceedings were they brought 
to declare that they d'd not so regard it, and 
would not act upon this view of it They as- 
sert that they do not assume "to deny any 
man's right to association with the democratic 
party, for a difference of opinion upon this or 
any other point." ( pposition to the Independ- 
ent Treasury or the advocacy of a National 
Bank, is thus placed in the same category and 
equally tolerated willi a difference of opinion 
upon the subject of slavery. This is a most 
significant fact. But their determination to 
adhere to their original resolutions as a test, is 
more distinctly presented in another part of 
the resolution of which we are speaking. 
After asserting that their origiual resolutions 
are "sound and democratic in principle," and 
that they are "entertained by the great body 
of the democratic parly of this state," they 
remark most ominously, "when a candidate 
for public olftce,the political opinions of every 
individual become proper subjects for canvass, 
and he can hardly hope for success whose 
views are not in conformity with those of the 
majority of the party from whom he expects 
support" This language does not differ in 
import from the following, "Individuals may 
join loith us. They may vote /or us when we 
are candidates for public office, whatever 
may be their individual sentiments in regard 
to slavery, or the proper mode of preventing 
its extension. But they are not 0/ us, unless 
Ihey concur in our peculiar views on that 
subject. And if these views are not adopted 
by candidates, they can hardly hope for suc- 
cess or receive our support." ' n such terms 
we were condescendingly invited to unite in 
making a state ticket, it certainly can sur- 
prise no one that the democratic convention 
declined an invitation thus extended, though 
it is a matter both of surprise and regret tliat 
those who professed a desire to bring about 
union, should offer no other, and refuse to ac- 
cept any different, condition. 

it was not exjiected that efforts would be 



made either by members of the free soil con- 
vention or others not belonging to that body, 
to disguise their position, or present it in any 
other aspect, but we find the fact otherwise, 
and we have therefore deemed it our duty, to 
prevent erroneous impressions, to make 
more extended remarks upon this point, than 
may appear necessary to those who have 
carefully examined the proceedings of the two 
conventions. 

As a further and final effort to effect a re- 
conciliation,the democratic convention adopt- 
ed the following propositions, to which we in- 
vite particular attention : 

1. Resolved, That we are opposed to the ex- 
tension of slavery to the free territories of the 
United States; but we do not regard the slavery 
question, in any form of its agitation, or any 
opinion in relation thereto, as a test of political 
faith, or as a rule of party action. 

2. Resolved, That the power of Congress over 
slavery in the territories, and the particular 
moiles of legislation thereon, are, among demo- 
crats, controverted questions; and that we con- 
cede to every one in relation thereto, the un- 
disputed right of opinion, not regarding any 
particular mode of constitutional construction 
on this question a part of the democratic creed, 
or as essential to fellowship with our demo- 
cratic brethren in this state, or in any section of 
the Union. 

These resolutions, which embody our posi- 
tion, modified to the farthest point of conces- 
sion to meet the assumptions of the other 
convention, and intended to concede all that 
could be conceded with honor, or with a due 
regard to the stability, the integrity, nay, the 
existence of a National Democratic Party, 
were, as all previous propositions had been, 
distinctly declined by the other convention 
as a basis of union. Their original declara- 
tion was unequivocally reaffirmed, with the 
conclusive assurance that it never would be 
abandoned; and their previous declaration in 
relation to tests upon the subject of slavery 
was referred to and reasserted. 

It is evident, then, that at this stage of the 
proceedings, they still adhered to their test 
of the day jirevious. This is the precise 
point of difference which prevented the de- 
sired union. Stripped, then, of the ambigu- 
ous phraseology in which their communica- 
tion was involved, and which contrasts so 
strongly with the direct and open course ot 
the democratic convention, simply and jilain- 
ly stated, it is this: While the democratic 
convention, pursuing the uniform course of 
the democratic party, refused to sifbmit to 
any political test in relation to the slavery 
(juestion, and proposed the avoidance of 
every such test as the basis of united action, 
the free soil convention evinced a fixed de- 
termination to adhere to such test, and in the 
event of a union, to act upon it. 

It is true, we were presented with the re- 
markable expression of the belief that in the 
opinions of our delegates and theirs, " there 
was such an agreement in favor of 



11 



their principles of human freedom," (which i 
they in the same communication reaffirm as j 
those of the proviso,) that they could re-j 
new their invitation to meet in joint conven- 
tion! Any such surrender of the position,] 
principles and attitude of the democratic par- 1 
ty of the state, as an integ-ral part of the de-' 
mocratic party of the Union, being- regarded, 
by our convention, with entire uaani-j 
MiTY, as wholly inadmissable; and as th • I 
other convention refused to recede in the : 
least from the extreme position they had ta- 1 
ken and reiterated from the outset, notwith- 
standing- the efforts of some of their most dis-; 
tinguished and intelligent delegates to induce 
them to accept our liberal democratic ulti- 
matum, saying emphatically that it conceded 
all that they had any right to ask or expect, 
and urging its adoption as the olive-branch of 
peace and union, our convention signified its 
readiness to adjourn sine die, unless the 
other convention had some firther conmui- 
nication to make; which being answered in 
the negative, our convention adopted, with 
entire unanimity, and with manifestations of 
the most cordial unity of sentiment, of spirit, 
and of determinati( n, the following declara- 
tion to their fellow-citizens .- 

This convention having exhausteil all honor- 
able means to conciliate and harmonize the dif- 
ferences which have unfortunately distracted 
the democratic party, and the convention at the 
Baptist Cliurch having' rejected the overtures 
made to them with a view to secure that object, 
and this convention having thereby failed to 
accomplisli a result so anxiously desired by the 
great body of the democracy throughout the 
state — it is now compelled to adjourn without 
having been able to establish a reunion: There- 
fore, be it 

Resolved, That we appeal to our brethren 
throughout the State, on behalf of the 
sincerity and earnestness of our exertions to 
heal existing dissensions, and we cordially in- 
vite all true democrats, whatever may have ! 
been their former diflerences, to lay tliem aside 
and unite with us upon the principles declared 
by this convention. 

Such are the facts in relation to this whole 
question, which, with candor, without preju- 
dice, and with sincere regret that the object 
so earnestly desired bj^ the great body of the 
democracy of the state has not been effected, 
we deemed proper here to lay before you. — 
The question of opposition to the extension 
of slavery to free territory was conceded; 
disclaiming all interpolation of it, in any 
form, into the demo .ratic creed. The ques- 
tion mooted was the power of congress in re- 
lation to such extension, and the demand 
that it should be exercised. It was the Pro- 
viso dictum, without change or qualification, 
and was insisted upon, from first to last, by 
their convention. We could not assert the 
power of congress, because many members 
of our convention held that congress had not 
the power, under the constitution, to interfere 
with slavery in the territories. We would 
not deny the power, because other mem- 



bers of the convention, whose opinions 
were entitled to high respect, believed 
it within the pale of the constitution; and 
nearly all regarded its exercise as uncalled 
for and inexpedient. Nor was this view of 
the question limited to a portion of our own 
friends in this state. A prominent statesman 
of another state, who has been receidly look- 
ed upon with favor and quoted with approba- 
tion by the free soil politicians, so regarded 
it; declaring emphatically, while he claimed 
the power, Ihat its exercise by congress was 
unnecessary, because slavery was expressly 
excluded from the territory by the local law, 
and never could exist there, except through 
the exercise of this power; that it was there- 
fore a useless and barren abstraction — 
which could effect no result if adopted; 
wliich was irritating and exciting as a 
sectional issue, and therefore pernicious 
and dangerous; and the agitation of which 
could not fail to be detrimental to the best 
interests of the country, and especially to the 
unity and i redominance of the democratic 
party. Still, we did not refuse to make, in 
a spirit of conciliation, an unnecessary avow- 
al on the subject, so far as we could do so, 
and stand upon democratic ground, main- 
taining our position as members of tiie great 
Democratic Party of the Union, as brethren 
of a common f'aitli, and as adherents to the 
ancient and well-grounded principles on 
Avhicli it has ever stood. We regarded it as 
a controverted question, in relation to which 
every democrat was entitled to his right of 
opinion, without affecting his relations of fel- 
lowship and associatian with his democratic 
brethren of this State or of any part of the 
Upion. 

*^Ve cannot but think that the source and ^ 
consequences o( these slavery agitations are 
now well understood; and that tlis Demo- 
cratic Masses, discarding them and their au- 
thors, will, at no distant day, act together 
ujion the liberal and just basis of our declara- 
tory resolutions, in the counties, and when 
this sectional question shall be shorn of its 
power to mislead, throughout the state. They 
have now, as ever, before them a straightfor- 
ward course. Having exhausted all efforts at 
conciliation — all our concessions having been 
met by an unyielding adherence to the VVilmof 
Proviso, as a political test — we h..ve no reason 
to believe that further efforts would result 
in anything less than a renewed exhibition ol 
ambiguous phrases, intended to conceal on 
the part of tie leaders of the "free soil" or- 
ganization, a determination hostile to any 
union upon fair and liberal terms, and a settled 
design to create a northern sectional part)'. 
Standing firmly upon the basis of the resolu- 
tions adopted with such entire unanimity by 
the democratic convention at Rome — taking 
no step shat thall derogate from the high 
position in which thai convention now 
stand before their democratic brethren of the 



T^ 



state and Union — fully appreciating any fresh 
professions of a desire for union, by those 
who were so lavish of them before the Rome 
convention, but who s > signally contradicted 
them there — disregarding any insidious ef- 
forts to divide or embarrass the regular 
democratic convention at Syracuse, by those 
who made, without success, and with ut- 
ter discomfiture, the same disingenuous 
efforts at Rome — the Democratic Party may 
rely with confidence upon the ultimate vin- 
dication of their cause, and such a sup- 
port from the democratic masses, as will con- 
vince all true democrats of its justice, for- 
bearance and elevation. 

Appealing to you, fellow Democrats, for 
the rectitude of our intentions, we present 
these great historical truths touching the past, 
and the facts in relation to our recent course 
and proceedings at Rome, for your candid 
and deliberate consideration. We make no 
appeal to your personal feelings, and would 
not retort the personality, the crimination, 
and the attacks upon the prominent friends of 
the democratic cause and upon the well-known 
and well understood regularity of our posi- 
tion and organization. These we leave to such 
hostile leaders, as having deserted the demo- 
cratic standard, formed new associations of 
the most incongruous character, embracing 
all creeds and factions, openly taken the field 
in distinct opposition to the Democratic Party 
and its national and state tickets, and having 
formally proclaimed the dissolution of the 
great National Democratic Party, with which 
we are proud to claim unabated affiliation, 
and to the principles of which we here reaf- 
firm our unchanged attachment, seek to cre- 
Ae a Northern Sectional Party, based upon a 
single idea, whose bond of cohesion is a 
desire of political power. We cannot be- 
lieve that the Democratic Masses, however 



divided by honest differences upon non- 
essential and abstract questions, will in 
any number, leave their old principles and 
associations, to follow those who have come 
to that stage in political life, in which 

the DIVISION AND DISSEVKRANCE OF 

THE Democratic Party, the for- 
mation OF A NEW sectional PARTY, 
AND THE ENFORCEaiENT OF NEW AND 

DEGRADING TESTS, are the only means 
by which they hope to advance their political 
or personal aims. And we invoke all who 
have stood together in past times upon the 
old Jeffersonian and Jackson Democratic 
Platform — who will not allow a sectional and 
irritating question, which has never until 
now, at the direction of disappointed, am- 
bitious or designing men, been considered a 
democratic principle, or allowed to be an 
element of division in the democratic ranks 
— who are willing to meet their brethren of 
every section in the spirit of amity and with 
a feeling of conciliation — who do not believe 
the Democratic Party dissolved, and will not 
with their consent see it rent asunder by a 
dangerous sectional dividing line — who are 
ready to rally under the old banner, and stand- 
ing all together under it, restore the demo- 
cratic ascendency, and expel from power an 
Administration which came in under false 
pretences, and will assuredly go out under 
the baleful exhibitions of its true character. 
In behalf of the Democratic State Convention, 
L. B. SHEPARD, 
CHARLES GA NUN, 
A. C. NIVEN, 
J. R. FLANDERS, 
WM. PORTER, Jr., 
S. G. HATHAWAY, Jr., 
T. M. HOWELL, 
T. A. OSBORNE, 
WM. L. MARCY, Committee 



^DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION. 



At a Convention of Democratic Delegates, from every county of 
the State of New- York, assembled at Rome, on the 15th day 
of August, 1849, the following proceedings were had. 



FIRST DAY. 

Wednesday, .^ugunt 15. — U A. M. 

The delegates having assembled in the Presby- 
terian Church, 

Mr. PECKHAM, of Albany, called to order, 
and nominated 

FRANCIS B. CUTTING, of New York, as 
temporary chairman. 

This nomination was received with acclama- 
tion, and unanimously confirmed by the assem- 
bled delegates. 

Mr. CUTTING, on taking the chair, was 
greeted with applause, which having ceased, he 
addressed the convention as follows: 

I beg to return to the gentlemen composing 
this convention, my most sincere thanks for the 
honor bestowed on me individually, and for the 
respect thus manifested towards that portion of 
the democracy of the state of whom I am one of 
the representatives. Totally unacquainted with 
the duties of presiding officer of a convention of 
this description, I can only console myself with 
the reflection that my administration of them will 
be exceedingly brief, and that I shall have a claim 
on your kind indulgence for a very short space of 
time. It is not my purpose, gentlemen, on taking 
the chair, to do more than to advert to the very 
unusual and exceedingly interestinc occasion that 
has brought the democratic party into convention 
here. It is my desire, as 1 know it to be the 
earnest wish of every member of this body, with 
whom I have conferred, to avoid all topics of an 
exciting character — certainly not in advance to 
discuss questions that might tend to inflame, 
rather than to advance the great purpose which 
has brought us together from all parts of this 
great state. 

It will be necessar)"- however, briefly, and in a 
general way, merely to advert to the circum- 
stance that durmg the last general administration 
of the government, and during the last presiden- 
tial canvass, topics of an irritating and exciting 
character were broached which had the effect to 
eau.se dissension and estrangement between those 



who had before been well tried and mutually es- 
teemed political friends. The consequence of 
these dissensions was that the democratic party, 
under a combination of other circumstances to 
which it is unnecessary to allude, were routed 
throughout the Union — its standard lowered — the 
flag of the enemy raised in triumph— and our par- 
ty ascendancy lost both in the councils of the state 
and nation. The principles of the democratic 
party subsisted, and still subsist,, but these prin- 
ciples unfortunately are not those which guide the 
administration of either national or state govern- 
ment. But, gentlenicn, I trust a brighter morn- 
ing has dawned on us. No sooner was the presi- 
dential chair occupied by the new incumbent, than 
all the pledges, all the persuasions by which a 
confiding people were deceived into the support 
of him who is now chief magistrate of the Union, 
were scattered to the winds — the thirsty and the 
hungry after office, as if secretly understanding 
the value of these pledges, began the controversy 
for the spoils, and he, who during the canvass 
had neither enemies to punish nor friends to re- 
ward, has made from the commencement of his 
administration down to the present moment, vic- 
tims of every democrat in office under the gener- 
al government, no matter what his claims in 
point of character, or for the fidelity and capaci- 
ty with which he discharged his duties. In con- 
sequence, gentlemen, of these occurrences — in 
consequence of this total disregard of all these 
pledges by which the people of this Union have 
been so deeply deceived, and 1 may add, by reason 
of the exhibitions of great imbecility that have 
thus far marked the existing administration — the 
tide of popular feeling has begun, and that rapid- 
ly, to turn — as is evinced in the result of the first 
elections that have occurred after its installation 
in the high places of power; until now, so far 
as my observations have extended, we have had 
one continued stream of success and triumph, un- 
interrupted by a single reverse to the democratic 
cause. (Applause.) And I have no manner of 
doubt — not the least misgiving — that carrying 
the standard of our party proudly in the •air, and 



14: 



Standing on the broad and liberal platform on 
which we have always stood and conquered — the 
day is not distant — nay, it is near at hand — when 
we are again to take charge of the administration 
of the general government, and again to apply 
the great principles which we profess, to the fur- 
therance of the general good of mankind, and to 
the promotion of reform and progress. 

Under these auspicious circumstances, it has 
been deemed advisable, in the liberal spirit which 
has always characterized the democratic party, 
to submit it to a delegated convention of that 
party, to ascertain whether now, at such a mo- 
ment, when victory, at least in our own state, is 
almost within our grasp, we ought not to tender 
to those who have left us, the right hand of fellow- 
ship. We come here, not to discuss state poli- 
tics — for I do not understand that there is a dif- 
ference of opinion in reference to any matter that 
concerns our own internal aflkirs — but there is a 
subject on which the democratic party of the 
Union has been excited, and has been irritated — 
and our business has reference to this great na- 
tional matter. On what basis can we so arrange 
this unfortunate controversy at home, as to ac- 
•elerate our success and ascendancy as a pai-ty? 
If the effort should unfortunately fail, I am not 
one of those who believe that that failure is to 
destroy success. It may retard it ; it is obvious 
that a cordial arrangement effected here will ac- 
celerate it. Still, I am not one of those who des- 
pair of the eventual success and triumph of the 
democratic party, though all our eflbrts liere 
should fail to accomplish what we desire. Under 
these circumstances, gentlemen, we are sent here 
as representatives of the democratic party, for 
the purpose of ascertaining how to arrange these 
family dissensions 

I confess myself to have been one of those, 
whose views were adverse to the calling of this 
convention. But yielding to those whose prov- 
ince it was to determine the question, and who 
had called the convention, I was willuig to fore- 
go my own previous impressions, as I trust 1 al- 
ways shall be wherever any such difference of 
opinion may arise between me individually, and 
the party with whom it is my pride to be asso- 
ciated. And I flatter myself that I know too well 
my duty, as a member of this body, having been 
sent here to promote its great object, and having 
accepted that appointment, to adhere to my orig- 
inal impressions in my action here. I am ready 
to go as far as the foremost man dare go, to pro- 
mote that object, without trenching on principle, 
or sullying the honor of the democratic party. — 
[Applause.] I will go as far as the foremost, in 
good faith, and in an effort to heal these divisions 
and bury animosities. I will go for this purpose 
to that point beyond which lies dishonor--and there 
is not a man in this convention who would desire 
me to go, or would himself go, beyond that verge. 
If, gentlemen, by sincere and zealous efforts, we 
shall succeed in accomplishing the object we all 
have in view, I shall go home with a clear con- 
science and a proud heart, and report the result 
to my constituents. If these efforts fail, my con- 
science will be equally free from reproach, in re- 
porting to those who sent me here, that we had 
done all that we could do, to accomplish the ob- 
ject of our meeting. If we fail, whilst my con- 
stituents will regret, with me, that we could not 
unite with those who left us without sevoriAg our- 



selves from those who stood by us, they will at 
least be able to congratulate themselves that their 
position is still with those who rallied round the 
democratic standard in battle, and in the hour of 
defeat. [Applause.] I feel convinced that such 
is the sentiment of all of us, and that if our best 
and most earnest effort to reconcile the difficul- 
ties which brought us here, shall be abortive, the 
cause of that failure must be looked for elsewhere 
than in this body. 

On motion of Gen. HOUGH, of Madison, 
Francis Seger, of Lewis, was appointed tempo- 
rary secretary, and on motion of Gen. WARD, of 
Westchester, Charles GaNun, of Putnam, was 
also appointed temporary secretary. 

The list of counties was then called, and the 
delegates present presented their credentials, as 
follows . 

Albany — Samuel G. Courtney, Rufus W. Peck- 
ham, Wm. L. Marcy, Dr. Herman Wendell. 

Allegany — .\. P. Lanning. M. B. Champlrn 

Broome — Daniel S. Dickinson. 

Cattaraugus — Robert H. Shankland John B 
Wilber. 

Cayuga — Stephen A. Goodwin, J. Thompson, 
Robt. Bloomtield. 

Chautauque — Thos A. Osborn, Niram Sackett, 

Chemung — Samuel G. Hathaway, Jr. 

Chenango — 'Robert Monell, B. B. Andrews, 
Augustus Perry. 

Clinton — St. John B. L. Skinner. 

Columbia — Joseph D. Monell, Silas Camp. 

Cortland — Robert 0. Reynolds. 

Delaware — Stephen H. Keeler, H. L. Mitchell. 

Dutchess — John H. Otis, James Mabbett, J. 
Hasbrouck. 

Erie—W. L. G. Smith, W. A. Seaver, Orrin 
Lockwood, Allen Potter. 

Essex — Charles M. Watson. 

Franklin — Joseph R. Flanders. 

Fulton and Hamilton — Michael Thompson. 

Genesee — Frederick FoUett. Chas. Danforth. 

Greene — Frederick A. Fenn, R. Van Dyck. 

Herkimer — Nathaniel S. Benton, Benj. Carver. 

Jefferson — Lysander H. Brown, Eli West, E. 

B. Wynn. 

Kings— Wm. Conselyea, T. S. Ten Eyck, E. 
Pell. 

Lewis — Francis Seger. 

Livingston — Benedict Bagley, Lyman Odell. 

MadisoH — Peter B. Havens, Wm. J. Hough. 

Monroe — R. Wickwire, John Murdock, Samuel 
S. Bowne. 

Montgomery — William McClary, Thomas B. 
Mitchell. 

New York — Oliver Charlock, Francis B. Cut- 
ting, Florence McCarthy, Henry M. Western, D, 
E. "Sickles, R. H. Kittle, W. W. Dean, H. Shaw, 
E. C. Litchfield, Geo. J. Gallagher, Alexander 
M. Ailing. A. Clark, Lorenzo B. Shepard. 

Niagara — Nathan Dayton, Andrew Robinson. 

Oneida — Samuel Beardsley, William C. Ruger. 
John Stryker, John D. Leland. 

Onondaga — Wm. Porter, jr., Seth Hutchinson, 
Thomas G. Alvord, Samuel L. Edwards. 

Onian'o— Peter Mitchell, T. M. Howell. 

Orange — Charles Borland, John G. Wilkin. 

C. H. Winfield. 

Orleans — Silas M. Burroughs. 
Oswego — William Lewis, jr., Avery Skmner. 
Otsego — George W. Little, Schuyler Crippen, 
Levi S. Chatfield. 



Iv) 



Putnam — Charles GaNun. 

Queens — John W. Lawrence. 

RensseUier — Job Pierson, Charles J. Wilber, 
L, C. Hoofeboom. 

Richmond — Thos. W. Clark. 

Rockland — A. P. Stevens. 

St. Lawrence — Ebenezer Miner, Edwin Dodge, 
Aaron Pride. 

Saratoga — William Shepard, R. H. Walworth. 

Schenectady — Jay Cady. 

Schoharie — Demosthenes Lawyer, C. Good- 
year. 

Seneca — Samuel Birdsall. 

Steuben — John J. Poppino, John McBurney, 
Thomas J. Reynolds. 

Suffolk — Joshua B. Smith, Grosvenor S. Ad- 
ams. 

Sullivan — Archibald C. Niven. 

Tioga — Erastus Evans. 

Tompkins — Daniel Jackson, Robert Halsey. 

Ulster— A. Taylor. N. R. Graham. 

Warren — Joseph Russell. 

Washington — A. D Wait, L W. Thompson. 

Waynt — W. Edwards, A. Salisbury. 

Westchester — Aaron Ward, John B. Haskin. 

Wyoming — A. S. Stevens. 

Yates — Andrew Oliver. 

[Three absentees from New York, one from 
Schoharie. J 

Mr. GOODWIN of Cayuga, moved the ap- 
pointment by the chair of a committee, (one from 
each judicial district) to report too names of offi- 
cers for the permanent organization of the con 
vention. 

The resolution was agreed to by the Conven- 
tion, and the ohair appointed the following as the 
committee. 

Stephen A. Goodwin, of llie 7th District, Daniel E. Stic- 
kles. 01" the l#l, Aaron Ward oi' tlie 2(.l, Joseph D. Monell 
of tlie 3ii, Tliomas B. Miichell of the 4lh, Samuel L. Kd- 
wards of the 5lh, Schuyler Crippen of the 6th, and Fred- 
erick FoUett of the 8ih 

Mr. GOODWIN from the committee subse- 
quenty reported as follows: 

For President— WlhLlAM L MARCY. 

For Vice Presidents, 
Isl Disl. — Alexander M. Alling, of New York. 
3d " John W. Lawrence, of Queens. 
3d " Job Pierso.v, of Rensselaer. 
4lh " Joseph Russell, of Warren. 
5th " Nathaniel S. Benton, o/ Herkimer 
6th " Levi S. Chatfielu, of Otsego. 
7th " Peter Mitchell, of Ontario. 
8th " Nathan Davton, of Niagara. 
For Secretaries, 

John B. Haskin, of Westchester. 

Isaac W. Thompson, of Washington. 

£. B. Wynn, of Jefferson. 

William A. Seaver, of Erie. 

The announcement of Governor MARCY, as 
President of the convention, was received with 
tumultuous applause, and the report of the com- 
mittee was adopted by acclamation. 

Gov. MARCY, on being conducted to the chair 
by Chancellor Walworth and Gen. Ward, was 
received with applause by the convention, and re- 
turned his acknowledgments as follows: 

Gentlemen — On taking the position in which 
your kind partiality has placed me, I return you 
my sincere thanks for the honor done me by the 
selection. I see around me many of more fitting 
qualifications for the discharge of the duties of the 
chair, and I could wish that it had been the plea- 



sure of the Convention, to place in it one more ex- 
perienced than I am in parliamentary rules and 
practice. But with my best efforts, aided by your 
liberal indulgence, I hope to do my duty in pre- 
serving order and facilitating the dispatch of 
business. After the impressive remarks of the 
temporary chairman, so eloquent in manner and 
sound in doctrine, you will hardly expect another 
speech from this seat — and certainly you could 
well excuse me if I did not consume time with 
anv further remarks of mine. I would merely 
say, that from the composition of this Convention 
— for I see in it men ol long experience, and emi 
nent services in the democratic party — some of 
whom have served in the higher stations of the 
departments of State, as well as National go- 
vernment — I am certain that the democratio 
party, our constituents, look with uncommon 
anxiety to the proceedings of this convention — 
and it is my sincere hope that we may not dis- 
appoint their expectations. I presume every 
gentlemen here is as well acquainted with the 
object of the assembling of this convention, as I 
am myself. That object does not require from 
me an explanation. I do not however understand 
that we have come here to revise the principles 
of the democratic party, in order to abandon any 
heretofore adopted, or to incorporate any new 
ones. [Applause.] I do not understand that we 
have come here to introduce any new usages, 
such as we have heretofore resortecl to, and which 
have been found salutary, to unite our strength 
and secure success in the elections. It is un- 
doubtedly a fact— I wish it were otherwise, 
that within a few years past, dissensions have 
entered the ranks of our party, and in conse- 
quence of them, we have been weakened — and as 
a further lamentable consequence, we have lost 
the ascendency in the State, and I believe I may 
say in the Union. I do not propose to look back, 
or to say any thing of the origin of these dilfi- 
culties and dissensions. It is not profitable now 
to enter into their discussion. But we may look 
back, profitably, to the period when these dis- 
sensions did not exist. We have to look back 
but four years, to recall the movements of the 
democratic party of the State and Union, which 
gave to an eminent and revered citizen of this 
State, theofllice of chief executive of New York, 
and to another eminent citizen of another State, 
the high position of Chief Magistrate of the con- 
federacy. These men, both — though not far 
advanced in life — have descended to the tomb, 
and have left behind them honorable memories — 
[Here Gov. Marcy's voice fell with emotion, and 
the reporter could not catch more.] Our object, 
gentlemen, in view of results like these, and in 
the hope ol bringing about their recurrence, 
should be to make all honorable and proper 
elTorts to unite all men who believe in the princi- 
ples of the democratic party ; and I am satisfied 
that we shall conduct our proceedings in such a 
spirit as will conduce to this end — and unite with us 
in future political struggles, those who formerly 
acted with us — and contributed to the success of 
our principles. Guided by this spirit, I trust all 
of us, as well as our constituents, may be able to 
regard this as one of the inost fortunate events 
in the history of the democratic party. — [Ap- 
plause long and loud.] 

Chancellor WALWORTH here rose to submit 
a proposition. He remarked that he had been of 



.« 



TT 



late years so entirely unused to political conven- 
tions, that he hardly I'elt competent to suggest 
anything here. It had not been his privilege for 
27 years to attend one — the members of this body 
being well aware that his station had been such 
as to forbid his mina;ling in political strife But 
though thus withdrawn from the active tield of 
politics, he could not but retain a deep interest in 
the ascendency of the party with which Irom boy- 
hood up to 34 he had been actively connected. 
The great object of this convention was now to 
endeavor, if practicable, to devise some means by 
which we could gel together those now separated 
from us, or rather, to induce them to come back 
to that common ground, on which the democratic 
party had so long stood and triumphed. It had 
been suggested to him that the better way was to 
appomt a committee on our part, to conduct ne- 
gotiations between us and the other convention, 
and he had drawn up a resolution having in view 
that object. 

Whatever might be the result of our exertions 
here — and he trusted they would result in a uni- 
ted party again — we ruight all rest assured that 
the great democratic party of the Union was not 
dissolved, and would not be dissolved, — [Ap- 
plause] — that the democracy whose principles 
triumphed in the great struggle of 1800, and had 
ever since, with rare and brief intervals, control- 
led the administration of the government, and 
shaped its policv — and achieved its last triumph in 
the election of JAMES K. POLK— is destined to 
live and triumph while this government endures. 
("Applause.] With these remarks he submitted 
the resolution he had prepared: 

Resolved, Thai a commillee consisting of one member 
from each judicial district, be appointed by the Chair, 
to conduct the negotiations on the part of this convention 
with tlie other convention now assembled at this place, 
and to report the result of such negotiations to this conven- 
tion ; and that the President cause notice of this resolution 
to be communicated to such other convention. 

Mr. CHATFIELD, of Otsego, without intend- 
ing any disrespect to the Chair, or expressing any 
want of confidence in his ability or integrity in 
the selection of this committee, suggested that 
it be appointed by the delegations from the seve- 
ral judical districts. He supposed the delegates 
from the districts were better acquainted with 
the feelings and views of their particular constit- 
uencies, than the Chair could be expected to be, 
and would be more likely to give entire satisfac- 
tion, from their presi.med familiarity with and 
knowledge of these views and feelings. 

Chancellor WALWORTH accei)ted the amend- 
ment. 

The modified resolution was adopted — and the 
committee was constituted, under the reports of 
of the district delegations, as follows: — 

4th district— R. H. Walworth, Saratoga, Chairman. 

1st " Francis B Cutting, New-York. 

2d " Charles Borland , Orange. 

3d " R. W. Peckham, Albany. 

5th " Samuel Beardsley, Oneida. 

6th " Robert Halsey, Tompkins. 

7th " Samuel S. Bowne, Monroe. 

8th " W. L. G. Smith, Erie 

Gen. WARD suggested that a committee be 
appointed to wait on the other convention, and 
apprise them of this appointment. 

Mr. SICKLES, of New- York, said a copy of 
the resolution would of course be sent by the Sec- 
retary to the other convention. 



The PRESIDENT said he should, without fur- 
ther instructions from the convention, do so. 

Three o'clock, P. M. 

The Convention having re-assembled, and hav- 
ing waited some time for a response to the mes- 
sage sent to the other convention — 

Mr SICKLES of New York, said, he had learn- 
ed that the other convention had as yet taken no 
action on our resolution of this morning. Of 
course, until that had been done, we had nothing 
to do; nor after that, could we expect to hear 
from our committee, until they had conferred 
with the committee from the other convention. 
He proposed, therefore, that the convention take 
a recess until 5 o'clock this afternoon. 

The PRESIDENT informed the convention, 
that in pursuance of its directions, he had ad- 
dressed a note to the presiding officer of the other 
convention, conveying a copy of the resolution 
adopted this morning. The note was sent by 
one of the Secretaries, from whom he had not yet 
heard. 

The motion for a recess was lost. 

After the lapse of half an hour, many delegates 
having lelt the Church, 

Mr. BURROUGHS, of Orleans, moved a re- 
cess until 10 minutes after the ringing of the bell 
— which was agreed to. 

Some time afterwards, the convention re-as- 
sembled, and Chancellor WALWORTH started 
an inquiry as to the time when the other conven- 
tion was officially apprised of the action of this 
body. 

Mr. HASKIN, of Westchester, one of the sec- 
retaries, stated that he handed he note of the 
President of this convention, to one of the secre- 
taries of the other convention, a few minutes after 
they had opened their session this afternoon — and 
that he saw it laid on the table of the President 
of the other convention — before that body had 
adopted any resolution. In reply to Mr. STRY- 
KER, Mr. H. added, that Mr. Grovek. of the 
other convention, was speaking when he deliver- 
ed the note. 

Mr. CUTTING, of New York, suggested that 
the other convention would have its organ, thro' 
which it would communicate to us officially their 
response — and that until we heard from that quar- 
ter in that way, we could do nothing as a conven- 
tion on the subject. 

The PRESIDENT again announced that he 
had sent the note by the Secretary, and the latter 
had stated when he delivered it. 

After another pause of some minutes, 

The PRESIDENT announced a communica- 
tion from the President of the convention sitting 
at the Baptist Church — [which was read by 
Mr. Secretary Haskin, as follows:] 

Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, President of the Democratic Con- 
vention at the Presbyterian Church : 

Sir, — I have the honor to transmit to you the 
accompanying resolutions adopted by the conven- 
tion over which I have the honor to preside, now 
IB session at the Baptist Church, which were 
adopted previous to the receipt of the resolution 
which you transmitted to this convention. I am 
also instructed to inform you that this convention 
has appointed a committee to meet the committee 



17 



appointed on the part ol the convention over 
which you preside. 

I have the honor to bo, very respectful l!y, 
Your obedient servant, 

August 15. 19-19. WILLIAM TAYLOR. 

Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention the 
present division in the democracy of Xew-York results 
from a supposed or real diiterence in principle on the sub- 
ject of Slavery, and the construction of the Constitution of 
the United States, as to the legislative power of the Feder- 
al government and itsduiy to exercise it. 

Resolved, That the views of this convention on this sub- 
ject are as follows : — 

1. It is not questioned or disputed that Congress has the 
power over slavery in the District of Columbia. 

2. It is not questioned or disputed that Congress doe* not 
possess the power over slavery in the States. 

3 The power of Congress over slavery in the territories 
of the United Slates is questioned. This convention holds 
that the Federal Government possesses the legislative pow- 
er over slavery in the territories, and ought to exercise it 
(o as to prevent the extension of slavery tiiere. 

(A true copy.) J. F. STARBUCK, Secretary. 

Chancellor V/ALWORTH moved to refer the 
communication to the committee appointed this 
morning. 

Mr. HOWELL of Ontario, desired first to 
know the extent of the powers of this committee. 
The other convention, it appeared to him, had 
prejudged the whole question that brought us 
together. Had our committee the power to 
agree to these resolutions as the sentiment of this 
body? 

Mr. McCARTY, of N. York, moved to lay the 
resolutions on the table, and to refer the commu- 
nication to the committee. 

The PRESIDENT suggested that the motion 
■was not in proper form. It should be a motion to 
amend by excepting the resolutions from the ref- 
erence. This would send the letter, and not the 
resolutions, to the cominittee. 

Mr. McCARTY modified his motion accord- 
ingly. 

The amendment was negatived, the original 
motion adopted, and the entire communication re- 
ferred. 

The convention then adjourned to nine o'clock 
to-morrow morning. 



SECOND DAT. 

Thursday, Aug. 16—9 A. M. 

The PRESIDENT called to order at precisely 
9 o'clock. 

The Convention after remaining m session 
about at} hour, and hearing nothing from their 
committee appointed to conduct negotiations 
with the other convention — on motion of Mr. 
SICKLES of New York, took a recess until 
called tofrether again by the rmwinrr of the bell. 

At hall^past 12, the "PRESIDENT announced 
that he had satisfactory information, that the com- 
mittee would not be ready to report before half- 
past 2 this afternoon — and that he should not call 
the Convention to order until that time. 

The delegates present then retired, re-assem- 
bled at half past 2, and again took a recess. 

Thursday— Z P. M. 

The Convention havinir re-assembled. 

Chancellor WALWORTH, from the commit- 
tee of conference, read the communications that 
had passed between the two committees, as fol- 
lows : 
To the Negotiating Committee of the Convention now a»- 

Mubled at the Baptist Church : 



The committee appointed by the convention at 
the Presbyterian Church in this place, to conduct 
the negotiation with you on the subject of union, 
with a view to bring out the whole democratic 
par'.v, and thus to secure the future ascendency 
of democratic principles, propose, on the part of 
the convention for which they act, to waive all 
questions as to the regularity of the two organi- 
zations, and to pass over without remark the con- 
troversies of the last two years. We are also 
willing to agree to the adoption by both conven- 
tions of such resolutions as have heretolore formed 
the democratic platform, or as have been usually 
adopted by democratic state conventions previous 
to the recent divisions in the democratic ranks. — 
And in the result of onr negotiations it is our 
wish to see such nominations made and agreed to 
by each convention, as will be satisfactory to tho 
entire democracy of the state, and which wo 
trust would secure a democratic triumph at the 
ensuing election. _^- 

But as the question of slavery has recently be-^ 
come a subject of agitation in the democratic ranks 
in this State, 't must in some way be disposed of 
before we can hope for the restoration of harmo- 
ny and good feeling among all the members of 
the democratic party. The people of the North 
and of the South, as is well known, entertain dif- 
ferent and adverse views from each other and even 
among themselves on the subject of slavery. It 
now is, and has for a long time been so; and 
while one reiiiim tolerates and the other prohibits 
slavery, nothing like unity of views on this sub- 
ject, among the members of the democratic party 
of the whole union can be expected. There is no 
doubt that the general sentiment of the north is 
against the introduction of slavery into territory 
now free. Yet as members of a political party we 
cannot admit that a concurrence in that senti- 
ment should be considered as a democratic prin- 
ciple, or be allowed to be made a test of democ- 
racy in any part of the United States. And we 
are not willing that it should be made so here. — 
The democracy of New York is a part of the na- 
tional democratic party; which party can only 
hope to triumph by preserving its ranks unbroken 
throughout the entire Union. And this cannot be 
expected or even hoped for, if opinions upon the 
subject of slavery are allowed to be made matters 
of party faith, or to form the basis of party organ- 
ization either at the north or the south. The de- 
mocracy of the United States, well knowing this, 
have at all times studiously excluded the subject 
of slavery from their platform of principles, leav- 
ing every one to the enjoyment of his own opin- 
ions on that subject, and to act thereon as he 
should think proper, holding that a southern man 
who sustained the institution of slavery, was not 
for that cause less sound as a democrat than a 
northern man whose views were of an opposite 
character. These have always been the views 
of the democratic party of tie Union, and here 
we propose to leave all questions on the subject 
of slavery. 

If you concur with us in these views, holding 
that individual differences of opinion, here and 
elsewhere, upon the subject in question, must 
be allowed to exist, and that the opinion of no 
one on that subject can rightfully be called 
in question as involving a departure from do. 
mocratic principles, or be considered a test of his 
democracy, and are ready to act with us npon 



IT 



that basis, in the support of the regularly nom- 
inated eanJitlates of ilie democracy of this State 
and of the Nation, we are prepared to join 
m .seeu)'i:ig the formation of a State ticket saiis- 
fact^'i)' to bctb conventions, and as we should 
hope, to ii:p dr-niocracv nltlie State at larsxe. 

11. H. AVALWORTH, Ch'ii. oftheCoiniaiUee. 
August IC, 1919. 

To this the committee of the Free Soil Con- 
vention returned the following reply; — ■ 

August 10th, 1949. 
To the coramntee of the Convention in ses.siou at the 
Presbyterian Church: — 

The committee of the Convention in session at 
the Baptist church, say that last evennig, at the 
first meeting of the cdmniiitees. neither of them 
were disposed to make any distinct proposition to 
the other, aiid nothing was done further tlitin to 
communicate on the part of our committee the 
resoiui ion defining our powers, and the commu- 
nication from your committee, by the verbal 
statement of its chairman, that you desired the 
neirotiation and communications of both com- 
mittees to be in writing. We have at the rueeting 
tliis morning received a communication Irom your 
committee. Our committee are prepared to state 
in reply to«5-our commiitee, that we are willing 
with a view to unite the Democratic party, to 
waive all questions as to the regularity of the two 
organizations, and to pass over without remark 
the controversies of tiie past two years. We can 
say to your committee, that we adhere to all the 
established principles of the democratic party, 
and are authorized to assure you, tl«tit if the two 
conventions shall be I'jund upon a statement of the 
opinions of each, to agree in principle upon the 
questions relating to Slavery, we sliall desire to 
unite — because we 6o not appreliend a dilference 
on other questions of principle ; and to form a 
single State Ticket for the whole democracy of this 
Slate, to reorganize by a single organization, and 
form one united party. We would remind your 
committee, that our convention has submitted to 
yours a proposition, upon the question of slavery, 
and the jiowers arid duty of Congress upon thtit 
subject , ill the territories, to which we would 
respectfully invite some action or expression of 
opinion upon the part of your committee, and the 
convention you represent. 

Vv^e will report your communication to our 
convention for its action, and will be happy to 
receive any further communication you may 
have to make. 

Very respectfully. 

PRESTtJN Kli^G, Chairman. 
Chancellor WALWORTH remarked here that 
the committee for whom he spoke, did not under- 
stand the resolutions sent in yesterday from the 
other convention, as a proposition for us to con- 
cur in or reject^iut merely as a matter of infor- 
mation, of what the other convention had done. 
The comiTiittee, therefore, made no allu.sion to 
them in their first communication. Bat being 
apprised by the free soil committee that they ex- 
pected a response to those resolutions, the "com- 
mittee addressed to them the following: — 

August Ifi, 1349. 
Gext: — From the tenor of3rour communieaiion 
we understand that you sulimit to onr committee 
the resolutions passed by your convention, as your 
propositions of compromise; we have accordingly 
given to them our respectful consideration. In 



regard to the first and second of these resolutions, 
we presume that neither of them is doubted or 
denied at the north, and in reijard to the last, and 
in fact upon the whole subject of slavery, we pro- 
pose to recommend for the adoption of our con- 
vention, the Idllowing resolution- 

Resolved, Thai we lielieve the people of ilie North are 
opposed lotlie inlrodiicliou of slavery into territoiies now 
free. But we dceui n to l)e uuwit-e and iinpracticable, and 
that we cannot couseut to make that question a parly lest 
or to iucorporate it as an article of the political faith of the 
democracy of this Stale. 

We stated in our communication to your com- 
mittee, to which we beg leave to refer, that it 
was impossible to expect anything like unity of 
views on the subject of slavery, amongst mem- 
bers of the democratic party — that it had never 
existed, and was never looked fcr, and llint it 
was wholly unattainable. We proposed to your 
committee as a basis of union wholly to discard 
that subject from the platform of democratic prin- 
cples, leaving every one to the enjoyment of his 
individual views and opinions. We can act with 
democrats, whatever their views in regard to 
slavery may be. if in other respects sound — and 
we regret that you have not thought proper to 
inform us whether you insist on tiie adoption of 
your views on the subject, as a test of democracy 
— or a pre-requisite to union, and we desire to 
ascertam your views upon that point. 

A State Convention of those you represent, held 
at Utica in 1848, adopted on this subject the fol- 
lowing resolution: 

" Fourthly — although such are the opinions we enter- 
tain upon this important question, and which we feel it to 
be a conscientious duly to maintain lo the utmost, unle.«.s 
convinced of their injustice and iiwconslitutionalily, we have 
never sought to impose them upon others. Still less have 
we made any acquiescence in our views of the subjeci, a 
controlling lest in an election, as has been unjustly charged 
upon u*. The annals of our parly proceeduigs may be 
safely challenged, for the proof that such test has been ad- 
vocated by us. We have neither made such a test, nor 
will we submit to it, when made by others; nor can the 
democratic masses of the Slate be induced to sustain those 
who do either." 

In the spirit and sense of the Utiea resolution 
above set forth, we have submitted to your com- 
mittee the foregoing modification of the last reso- 
lution of vour convention — and if your committee 
sliall agree with us in that proposition, we will 
recommend it for adoption to our convention. 
R. H. WALWORTH, 

Ch'n. of the Coniraittee. 

Chancellor WALWORTH read the reply of 
the Free-soil committee to this last communica- 
tion, as follows: — 

Thursday, August 16, 1?49. 

Gent: — In your second communication, you 
submit a substitute for the resolutions sent to your 
convention yesterday. Ydu will perceive that 
our powers over the subject are limited. We 
piopose, therefore, immediately upon the assem- 
bling of our Convention, to submit your proposi- 
tion for their acti m. You also state, that we have 
not thouojht proper to inform you whether we in- 
sist on the adoption of our views upon the subject 
of Slavery as a test of democracy or a prcrequis- 
ire to union. The resolutions submitted by our 
Convention, are silent upon the subject of a test, 
and in our opinion, propose none. The action of 
each Convention, is, in our judgment, necessary 
to determine what is a prerequisite to union. 
Very respectfully, 

PRESTOJV KING. 



19 



Chancellor WALWORTH said the committee 
actintr on behalf of tiiisbody, regarded this com- 
niLinicarion as a termination of negotiations, at 
the other committee then for the first time stated 
tiiat tliey had no power to negotiate. And as 
that committee had notified us that they would 
submit our proposition to their convention, he had 
been instructed to offer to the convention the fol- 
lowing: — 

Resolved. That until we are infortneil by the Conven- 
tion at the Bapti^'t Cliurcli, of the rt-sult of their action up- 
on the la<t communication. .«ul)miltei.l lo their committee of 
neg^otiaiinn. the renorl of the coinmittee of this Convemiou 
be laiit upon the table, and all action thereon suspended 

This was seconded by Mr. HATHAWAY, of 
Chetnunor. and adopted, nem. con. 

Mr. SHEPARD, of New York, olTercd a reso- 
lution providing for the appointment ol a commit- 
tee of one from each judicial district, to repoi't an 
address and resolutions for the consideration of 
the convention, after the deliberations of the com- 
mittee of conference shall be concluded. 

The resolution was laid on the table. 

Tiie convention then took a recess, to await 
the action of th« other convention. 

Half -past 4 P. M. 
The convention having re-assembled, but noth- 
ing having been heard from the other convention, 
again took a recess. 

Half. past 5 P. 31. 
The convention again assembled, 

Chancellor WALWORTH stated that dur- 
ing the recess, ho had received a communica- 
tion from the chairman of the cotnmittee of tiie 
other convention, informmg him that the other 
convention had passed a resolution and direct. 
ed that it be handed to the committee of this 
body, to be by them presented to the body it- 
self. Waiving any question as to the power of 
the committee of this convention, he had called 
the committee together, and they had concluded 
to comply with the request, and he would read 
the communication of the other committee: 

[The letter of the F. S. committee, communi- 
catinir the resolutions, was a formal note, staling 
that the last communication of the democratic 
committee had been laid before the F. S. conven- 
tion, when the resolutions following were adopted, 
which their convention presented lor the action 
of the democratic convention.] 

Before reading the resolution the CHANCEL- 
LOR stated that it would be seen that it proposed 
substantiallv, that we should adopt the Wilmot 
Proviso as the only o-round on which they were 
willing to unite. "He then read as follows: 

Resolved, That the commillee appoiiitetl to neiTi'tinle 
■wiih a cominitlee from the oiher couvenlion be instructed 
to deliver to that commiUee, with a request to pre-r.-nt !lie 
same to the body it represents, the following communica- 
tion from this convention. 

" The Democratic Convention, assembled at 
the Baptist Church in this viUaae, unwilling to 
dissolve without further effort to effect the object 
for which they were delegated, respectfully sub- 
mit to the Democratic Convention assembled at 
the Presbyterian Church, the following sugges- 
tions and invitation: 

" Satisfied that the resolutions yesterday adopt- 
ed and communicated by this convention to your 
body are sou d and deinocratic in principle — 
confident that they are the sentiments of a great 
majority of the people of this state, and especial- 



ly of the democratic party, regarding their public 
avowal by the representatives of the democratic 
party of this state at this time, as essential to the 
best interests of the country, and believing that 
the election of democratic candidates to the state 
offices cannot be secured even upon a united ac- 
tion of these two conventions, without a distinct 
announcement of the principles of these resolu- 
tions: — This convention feel constrained to insist 
upon them as a frank expression of the views en- 
tertained by the great body of the democratic par- 
iy of this state. Itj-egards the expression as alike 
due to the party in this State — to their brethren 
tn the southern States, and to the world, that 
there may be no concealment of the real senti- 
ment of tiie people on this subject. While they 
are thus tenacious on this point, they ai"e free to 
say, that they propose it as a test of no man's 
inclividual democracy, or of his right to member" 
ship and association with the party. Every indi- 
vidual may, and of necessity, must entertain such 
opinions as his judgment dictates. Perfect free- 
dom of individual opinions constitutes the veiy ba- 
sis of democracy, and this convention while it feels 
it a duty to express those principles in accordance 
with those of the party it represents, does not 
take upon itssii' to deny any man's rigHS to associ- 
ation with the democratic party for a difference 
in opinion upon this or any other point. Each ir.« 
dividual must judge for himself with which of the 
two great political parties his convictions lead 
him to associate. 

" Having Unmed his steady attachment, he is 
bound in good I'uith to carry out its measures so 
far as they may be entrustsil to his action, though 
entirely free to hold his own opinions, and by pro- 
pagating them, to endeavor to direct tlis ac'ion 
of his party to the accomplishment of his favorite 
measures. 

" When a candidate for public office, the politi- 
cal opinions of every individual become proper 
subjects for canvass, and ho can hardly hope for 
success, whose views are not in conformity with 
those of the majority of the party from whom he 
expects support. Under this explanation of the 
position held by this Convention, it now tenders 
to the other Convention an invitation to assemble 
tofjether in one common Convention, adopting the 
distinct expression upon the subject of slavery, 
and leaving the other subjects, upon which tiv-'y 
apprehend no disagreement to the action of the 
united Convention. 

" If this invitation shall be accepted, the mem- 
oers of this Convention will be prepared in their 
joint action, with those of the other, to make the 
most libertil concessions upon any other matter of 
detail in the business whieh may oectipy the at- 
tention of the United Convention, and to unite 
with them in cordial harmony in tho support of 
democratic men and measures without regard to 
the past." 

The CHANCELLOR said he had been in- 
structed by the committee to offer the resolutions 
which he held in his hand. It would be seen that 
the other convention had not considered at all 
the propositions presented either to them or their 
committee. They had expressed no opinion, eith- 
er of concurrence or disagreement to what; was 
contained in them, except what might be inferred 
from the purport of their resolutions. The reso^ 
lutions he was instructed to submit Vv'ere these : 

Resolved, That as the coiivenliou which meet in the 



TST 



Baptist Church, in their last communication to this conven- 
tion, reiterate and insist upon a concurrence in the last of 
the three resolutions passed by them, and as this conven- 
tion cannot accede thereto, nor go beyond the proposition 
already submitted by our commillee of conference, and 
which has not, as yet, been distinctly accepted or rejected, 
it is inexvedient, until an agreement shall have occurred, 
to entertain any proposition to meet in joint conveinion. 

Resolved, That tlie President transmit a copy of the lore- 
going' resolutions to the other convention. 

Mr. SICKLES moved the adoption of the re- 
solutions, and 

They were adopted by acclamation — the se- 
cond with two or three dissenting voices. 

The con?ention then took a recess for an hour- 

Seven o'clock P. M. 

Mr. SHEPARD moved the appointment by the 
chair of a committee (one from each judicial dis 
trict) to prepare an address to the democratic 
electors of tiie slate. 

The resolution was adopted — when 

On motion of Mr. HASKIN, (who also put 
the question,) the President of the convention 
was added to the committee. 

The committee named by the chair are Messrs. 
Shepard, of JSew York, GaNun of Putnam, 
JN' I YEN of Sullivan, Flandeks of Franklin, Por- 
ter of Onondaga, Hathaway of Chemung, 
Howell of Ontario, and Osborne of Chautau- 
que. 

Mr. BURROUGHS, of Orleane, offered a reso- 
lution — to which ho understood Mr. Chatfield 
would offer an amendment — as follows: 

" Resolved, That we are opposed to the extension of 
Slavery into any territory of liie United States now free ; 
and that we will use all constitutional means to prevent 
sucli extension." 

Mr. CHATFIELD, of Otsego, had a resolu- 
tion which he wished to have considered at the 
same time. 

" Resolved, That so long as entire unanimity of opinion 
among democrats, as lo the extension of slavery to the free 
territory of ihc United States, and the power of Congress 
over the subject, does not and cnnnot be expected to exist 
— it is impracticable to make any opinion on those subjects 
•a controlling test in an election" — that we will, therefore, 
'neither make such a test, nor will we submit to it when 
made by others; — nor can the democratic masses of the 
elate be induced to sustain those who do either." 

After delate, Mr. CHATFIELD withdrew 
his reso'.ulitn; and Mr. BURROUGHS also 
■withdrew his. 

After farther discussion. 

About 10 o'clock, the PRESIDENT announced 
a cuinmunication frtim the President of the other 
convention, which was read as follows: 

Hon. W. L. Marct, President of the convention assembled 
at the Presbyterian church. 

Sir — I have the honor to transmit to you the 
accompanying resolutions adopted by the conven- 
tion assembled at the Baptist church, for tlie pur- 
pose of having the same submitted to the conven- 
tion over which you preside. 

I have the honor to be respectfullv yours, Sic. 
WM. TAYLOR, President. 
August 16, 1S49. 
Resolved, That this convention have heretofore declined 
to accept the proposition of the committee of ihe other con 
vention, as a sufficient expression on the subject of slave- 
ry, and have eommLinicaied such declension to the said 
committee; but as it has not been so understood by the 
other convention, this convention now distinctly decline to 
accept the same : — the proposition of the said commiltee, 
being in tiie words ; — 

"111 regard to ihe first and second of those resolutions, 
we presume that usnher of them is doubted or denied at 



the North, and in regard to the last, and in fact upon the 
whole subject of slavery, we propose to recommend lor the 
adopiion of our convention, the following resolutions : — 

" Resolved, That we believe the people of the North are 
opposed to the inuoduction of slavery into territories now 
free, but we deem it to be unwi-e and impracticable, and 
we cannot consent to make that question a parly test, or lo 
incorporate it as an aiticle of the political faith of the de<. 
inocracy of this slate." 

Re^'olved, That we respeclfnlly request the opinion of 
the other conveinion on the po\x er of Congress to prohibit 
slavery in the territories of tlie U. S., and on the propriety 
of exercising such power. 

By order, &c. 

J.F. STARBUCK, Secretary. 

August 16, 1349. 

Mr. CUTTING moved that the communica- 
tion be laid on the table — [which was done. 

Mr. CHATFIELD moved aa adjournment, 
until to morrow mcntiing. 

Chancellor WALWORTH suggested that un- 
less there was some business re(|uiring our at- 
tendance here longer, the convention had better 
adjourn sine die. 

Mr. ALYORD of Onondaga moved an ad- 
journment to 9 o'clock to-morrow morning. — 
[Lost. 

Mr. CUTTING moved thereupon that the com- 
mittee of conference be discharged from the fur- 
ther consideration of the subject entrusted lo 
them. [Carried.] 

Mr. STRYKER then moved a vote of thanks to 
the committee of conference. [Agreed to with 
one dissenting voice.] 

Mr. SICKLES said, that having done all we 
could to eticct the object which brought us here — 
and having failed — the time had arrived for an 
adjournment. He moved therefore that this con- 
vention now adjourn sine die. 

Mr. BURROUGHS moved to amend, by ad- 
journing to 8 o'clock to-morrow morning. 

Both motions were however waived, for the 
present, and 

Mr. CHATFIELD moved a vote of thanks to 
the trustees of thi church. 

Mr. BROWN, of Jefferson, a vote of thanks to 
the President and other officers of the convention. 

Which votes were given with acclamation. 

The motions for adjournment now coming up, 

The ayes and noes were taken on adjourning 
sine die, and there were aves 61, noes 47. 

Mr. HOWELL, of Ontario, before the vote 
was announced, said he saw so many desirous of 
continuing the session, that he was unwilling to 
insist on terminating it to-night, as he had voted 
to do. He therefore moved a reconsideration. 

The vote was reconsidered, by consent, when 

Mr. SICKLES said, that in view of the fact 
that so large a minority desired to wait until to- 
morrow, he withdrew his motion for a final ad- 
journment — and 

The convention at half-past 10, adjourned to 
8 o'clock to-morrow morning. 

TfllKD DAY. 

Friday, August 17—8 A. M. 
The Convention having re-assembled, 
Mr. CHATFIELD, of Otsego, said that not- 
withstanding our friends over the way had not 
met us with the respect and courtesy which we 
had extended to them — nevertheless, waiving all 
points of etiquette, he had prepared, and now of- 
fered a proposition which he hoped would meet 
the unanimous concurrence of this convention, as 



a still further effort to harmonize the differences 

now existing between the two conventions and 
their constituencies; and, at all events, with a 
view to present to tlie other convention a distinct 
jifoposition, citlier for their adoption or rejection. 
He thouglil his proposition could not compromise 
any man's opinion iu tliis body. It was tiiis: — 

Resoived, Tliat we are opposed to ihe exlension of sla- 
very 1(1 llie free territories of the United Slates; but we do 
luH regiipl tlie slavery question, iu any form of its agitation, 
or any opinion in relaiion thereto, asa test of political tailh, 
or as a rule of party action. 

Resolved, That the power of Congre.ss over slavery in 
the territories, and the particular modes of legislation there- 
on, are, :i;nong democr.ats, coulrovertedque^lions; and thai 
we concede to every one in relation thereto, the undi.spu- 
led ritrlil of opinion, not regarding any particular mode of 
constitutional construction on this cjueslion, a pari of the 
democratic creed, or as essenlial to fellowship with our 
demi^ratic brethren iu this lilate, or ia any section of the 
Union 

Mr. BO WNE, of Monroe, offered the follow- 
ing additional resolution : 

Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be 
transmuted to the Convention in session at the Baptist 
Churcli, and their adoption by that body requested, with 
tt view to a union of the democratic party. 

Mr. LITTLE, of Otsego, said that under the 
instructions of his constituents, which conformed 
to his own inclinations and judgment, he consid- 
ered it his duty, vvitli a view to facilitate union 
with the opposite faction, to offer an amendment, 
by adiiing, after the words, " U. S.," in the re- 
solutions the following: 

" And we will resist such extension by such constitu- 
tional and legal means as we may possess, whenever and 
wherever we are called upon lo meet the question." 

Tiie amendment was lost by nearly a unani- 
mous vote. 

Mr. Chatfield's resolutions were then adopt- 
ed with but two dissenting voices. 

Mr. BOWNE now called for the question upon 
his additiouttl resolution. 

The resolution was adopted, and the conven- 
tion took a recess. 

IJalf.past 12 P. M. 

The PRESIDENT laid before the convention 
the following: 
Hon. AVm. L. Marct, President, &c. : 

Sir, — I have the honor to transmit to the con- 
vention over which you preside, the accompany- 
ing resolutions, adopted by the democratic con- 
vention now in session at the Baptist Church. 

I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, your ob't serv't, 

Aug. 17, 1849. AVM. TAYLOR, President, ice. 

Resolved, That in regard to the resolutions last received 
from the Convention silting at the Presbyterian Churcli 
we respectfully reply: That while we concur in so 
much of said resolutions as expresses opposition to the 
extension of slavery, we cannol accept them as a full ex- 
pression of our sentiments on that subject; and that as to 
BO much of the resolutions as relates to political tests and 
rules of party action, we respecfully refer to our commu- 
nication of yesterday, as containing our opinions on that 
subjeci 

Resolved, That this Convention reaffirm the principles 
of human freedom, which they have heretolbre declared — 
thai we can never abandon them — and that we will devote 
our best energies to secure their firm establishment. 

Resolved, That on conferring with the members of the 
Convention assembled at the Presbyterian Chi.rch person- 
ally, by committees and by resolution, and from an iiili- 
niale. familiar, and lite-long intercourse with those whom 
they represent, we are satisfied that there is such an agree 
meiit ill favor of the principles ot' humiiii freedom, as not 
only authorises, but demands tlie reunion of the Deino. 
cralic Parly of New York ; and that we look to such re- 
■oiiion to rescue ali the great principles of civil liberty from 



the hands of a whig President who differs with us hi re- 
gard to all principles, as far as we know, and lo lodge them 
where they have been heretofore predominant and secure. 

Resolved, That ihis convenlion therelbre propose to the 
Convenliun assembled at the Presbyterian Churcli, to 
form such re-uiiion, by meeling in one body, making a 
single demo, ratic organization tiirouglioul the Slate; re- 
c.immending to ihe democratic electors a single Stale tick- 
et to be supported at the approaching tall election, and lo 
transact .such other business as may come bet'ore them. 

Resolved, That the President be requested to communi- 
cate these resolutions lo the convention in session at the 
Presbyterian Church. By order, 

J. F. STARBUCK, Sec'ry 

Aug. 17, 1S49. 

Chancellor WALWORTH (the coramunica- 
tion having been read) said unless we could dis- 
pose of this finally before dinner, the convention 
had better perhaps take a recess. [Cries of— 
"no," "'no," "go on''] 

Mr. BOWNE said it struck him that the com- 
munication just read, precluded all farther ne- 
gotiation between the two conventions. The 
other body had now said to us emphatically 
that nothing but the resolutions adopted by them 
the first day of the session would satisfy them. 
To those, Mr. B. apprehended they could not get 
the assent of a single member of this convention. 
[Applause.] We had offered them fair, just and 
liberal terms. We had been patient and endu- 
ring, he might say, under insult. We had not 
only endured this, but we had treated them with 
kindness and courtesy, from beginning to end, as 
all our proceedings would show. He moved 
therefore that this convention refuse to concur in 
these resolutions communicated to this body. — 
[Applause.] 

Mr. CUTTING suggested the addition of a 
clause, requesting the President of this conven- 
tion to communicate the result to the President of 
the other body, and accompany it with the tnes- 
sage that unless they had some other communi- 
cation to make, this convention was ready to ad- 
journ sine die. [Renewed applause.] 

Mr. BOWNE assented, and reduced his mo- 
tion to writing as follows: — 

Resolved unanimously. That this Convention declines to 
concur in the resolutions last received from the Convention 
held at the Baptist Church, and ihat our President be re- 
quested lo communicate this resolution lo the other Con- 
vention, and at ihe .fame lime to inform them that havinj 
no farther business before us, we will adjourn sine die,}in- 
ess they have some other communication to make. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

Mr. CUTTING laid on the table the following: 
saying that he should ca 1 it up after the recess, 
provided nothing should then have been heart! 
irom the other convention: 

" This Convention having exhausted all honor- 
able means to conciliate and harmonize the 
differences which have unfortunately distracted 
the deinocratic party, and the Convention at the 
Baptist Church having rejected the overtures 
made to them with a view to secure that object, 
and this Convention having thereby failed to 
accomplish a result so anxiously desired by the 
great body of the democracy throughout the 
State — it is now compelled to adjourn wjttiout 
having been able to establish a reunion. There- 
iore be it 

"Resolved, That we appeal to our brethren throughout 
the statu, oil behalf of the sincerity and earnestness of oui 
exertions to heal existing dissensions, and we cordially in- 
vile all true democrats, whatever may have been former 
dlfTerences, to lay them aside, and unite with us upon the 
principles declared by this conveution. 



22 



•'Resolved, That the convention do now adjourn S!n< 
du " 

The resolutions were received with applause. 
The convention then took a recess. 

Half. -past 4 o'clock P. M. 

The Convention having re-assembled, 

The PRESIDENT announced a communica- 
tion from the President of the Convention sitting 
at the i3aptist Church, which was read as fol- 
lows : 
Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, Presidenl, &c. : 

Dear sir, — Agreeably to tlie mstructions here- 
in, I have the honor to tranbniit to you. and 
through you to the Convention over which you 
preside, the enclosed resolutions just adopted by 
the Convention in session at the IJaptist Church. 

I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, your ob't serv't. 

WILLIAM TAYLOR. 



Resolved, That this Convention has no further communi- 
cation to m;ike to the Convention now sitting in the Pres- 
byieriim cliurrh. 

Resolveil. That the President of this Convention be re- 
quested iti communicate a copy of the foregoing resolution 
to liie other Convention. 

By order, &c. E. G. LAPIIAM. Sec'y- 

Mr. WILK;IN, of Orange, then called up the 
resoluiions offered by Mr. Cutting this morn- 
ing [see aiiove], and they were again read. 

Here were loud calls for "Cutting." "Chat- 
field," " Bowne." " Peekham," and others, and 
these gentlemen severally responded briefly to 
the call. 

The qnesfion was then taken, and 

Mr. Cutting's resolutions were adopted 
unanimously. 

The convention then adjourned sine die — with 
three ehein-s •• for Marcy," three •' for the Dcmo- 
crauy," and three more " to make it nine." 



Signed by order of the Convention. 

JOHN B. HASKIN, 
ISAAC W. THOMPSON, 
E. B. WYNN, 
WM. A. SEAVER, 

Secretaries of the Convention. 



Tlie Democratic State CoaveiitioK. ' 

The brief official report of the Proceedings 
of the Democratic State Convention held at 
Rome, together with the Address irsued in be- 
half of that body, are here given to the reader. 

It was one of the largest delegated conven- 
tions ever held in the state, every county being 
represented, and every delegate being present 
except four, and three of these from the city 
of New York. 

From first to last the proceedings were such 
as ♦o reflect the highest credit upon the Con- 
vention, its character and its purposes. They 
were characterised with great courtesy towards 
the adverse convention, and with entire deco- 
rum and propriety. 

Never in the annals of our politics, has a 
political convention assembled in this state, so 
highly distinguished for talent and position 
and personal character, as this. Nearly all 
its members had been protninenlly connected 
in the public afliiiis of the state; were known 
to the people, and had been honored with 
marks of their confidence and consideration. 
They had too much character at stake, and 
the objects of the assemblage were too impor- 
tant, to allow the exhibition of any feeling of 
irritation, whatever may have been the provo- 
cation; and their sense of the responsibility un- 
der which they assembled, to the democracy 
of the State and the Union, would not permit 



them to depart from the high line of duty due 
to both. That they have discharged that duty, 
in a manner that will meet wilh the approval 
of their constituents, and with the approbation 
of tlieir brethren of the other states of the con- 
federacy, we have no doubt. Nor can we 
doubt for a moment, that the moral force of 
their example of firmness, conciliation, 

AND ENTIRE UNITY OF PROCEEDING, 

will produce the most salutary and encour- 
aging elTect upon the domocratic party of the 
State and throughout the Union. 

The ojjcning proceedings of the two conven- 
tions were characteristic. The democratic 
convention met on Wednesday forenoon, or- 
ganized, and appointed a committee of confer- 
ence, directed the fact to be communicated to 
the free soil convention, and adjourned for din- 
ner. They at once took the initiative in the 
efforts at reconciliation and union. The free 
soil convention met, organized, and adjourned 
for dinner. They avoided any preliminary 
action for union. Several of their dele- 
gates were present in the democratic con- 
vention when the committee of conlerence was 
appointed, and the fact was well known. Tiieir 
convention assembled after dinner, and Mr. 
Grover addressed that body, and concluded by 
olT'Ming a series of resolutions, embracing the 
Wilmot Proviso. The message from the de- 
mocratic convention, announcing tlie appoint- 



:w 



ment of the committee of conference, was in 
the hands of the President of the free soil con- 
vention before Mr. Grover had concluded his 
speech or offered his resolutions, and ihe fact 
that a communication had been received from 
the democratic convention was stated bj' the 
Chair; but they proceeded with hot haste to 
adopt the resolutions, and to direct lliem to be 
sent to the democratic convention, the Presi- 
dent carefully stating that they had been adopt- 
ed previous to the. reaipt of the niesicige an- 
nouncing the appointment of a connnittee of 
conference. This v.as the starting device. 
The fact of the appointment of the committee 
was well known to tlie fi ee soil convention, and 
the fact was officially in the hands of tlie Presi- 
dent of that convention before their resolutions 
were acted upon. But the design was to hurry 
the resohitions througli, before the lirst and 
obvious proceeding could be adopted, for the 
purpose of committing the convention to the 
Wilmot Proviso, and for the purpose of throw- 
ing before the democratic convention positions 
which it was perfectly well known could not ! 
be and would not bo adopted. 

This spirit may be said to have pervaded all 
the propositions on their part during the con- 
ferences and proceedings. 

It will be seen that the starting proposition, 
adopted in the manner above stated, distinctly 
recognizsdthe prindpl' of the Wilmot Proviso. 
It was avowed that this had been adopted as 
their basis of union. From this atliinde they 
did not recede in tne slightest degree. Al- 
though adopted immediately after the organi- 
zation of the free soil convention, three days 
subsequent negotiation and conference, and 
as stated in their resolution, " personiU " inter- 
course, pi-oduced no other result than an un- 
yielding adherence to it. In their last com- 
munication on Friday, their convention re- 
solved, " That we re-atlirm the principles of 
human freedom which they have heretofore de- 
clared — that we can never abandon them, and 
that we will devote our best energies to secure 
their firm establishment." 

We mistake the honest and clear-sighted 
judgment of the true democracy of the state, 
if they do not see in all this a foregone con 
elusion on the part of the free soil leaders, that 
there should be no union on fair and equal 
terms of reciprocity — and that matters were 
managed and shaped by them from the outset, 
with a view to effect that settled purpose. — 
The " Free democracy," hand-cuffed and 
manacled, before perhaps many of tliem were 
aware of the effect of such a committal, by 



Mr. Grover's declaration of faith and prac- 
tice, at the opening of their session; unable to 
relieve themselves, if they would, from these 
restraints upon their freedom of action; rested, 
willingly or unwillinglv, literally in chains, all 
through; and came out, as they went into con- 
vention, trammelled by an expression "which 
they could never abandon," and which it was 
never intended they should abandon — and in 
the attitude of asking every thing and con- 
ceding nothing. All this is obvious enough to 
all who choose to see and know the true rea- 
sons why the result of this effort on the part of 
the democracy of the state, to harmonize ex- 
isting difficulties, foiled. 

The Address of the Democratic State Con- 
vention at Home. — We lay this strong, and as 
we think, convincing paper, before our readers 
to-day. It will, we think, claim the perusal and 
attention of all true democrats in the State and 
throughout Ihe Union. 

The Address presents a history of the Sla- 
very Agitation, from its origin in the Hartford 
Convention, through all its stages of what Mr. 
Van Buren characterized as the " periodical 
return of this dangerous agitation," to the pre- 
sent moment; and it presents also the facts in 
relation to the proceedings and results at 
Rome. To those who desire to look at the 
question in its true light, and to understand its 
important bearings, it affords the opportunity. 

It cannot fail to be seen — no sophistry or 
pretension can avoid the irresistible conclusion 
— that the agitation of the Slavery Question has 
been resorted to, from first to hist, by the ad- 
versaries of democratic principles, as the most 
effective weapon to Divide, Dissever and 
Defeat the Democratic Party — that they 
seek the same object now by the same means — 
and that, becoming bolder in their hostility, 
they do not hesitate to declare it dissolved. 
Let all sincere democrats ponder upon these un- 
deniable facts, and act with an unfaltering 
confidence, that, as in all the past history of 
these efforts, the Democracy of the State and 
Union will recover its position, and triumph 
over all the arts and etforts of its enemies 
whether in the guise of its open whig oppo- 
nents, or through the covert assaults of apos- 
tacy. 

Undoubtedly we shall have fresh proclama- 
tions of an ardent desire of union from those 
who made such profuse but empty professions 
before the assembling of the Rome conventions; 
and insidious efforts will be made to affect, by 
various means, the Syracuse regular state con- 



5S4 



rention. But no one who witnessed the true spirit 
and the entire unanimitj' of the Rome democratic 
convention, will imat^ine that ll)ey will hesitate 
for a moment to maintain cvciy where the lib- 
eral, just and democratic position they planted 
themselves upon there. 

Union. — The d»>mocratic state convention 
at Rome adopted a basis of union on which 
all democrats, whatever may be their views of 
the slavery question, can stand and act togeth- 
er. It invades no man's sentiments upon this 
question; but leaves to every one, in relation 
to it, the undisputed right of opinion. This is 
the only ground on which the democrats of 
this state can continue to act, as they have 
done, as an integral part of the Democratic 
Party of the Union. 

While every proper effort should be made, 
and has been made, to unite the democratic 
masses, no true democrat will suppose for a 
moment that union can be effected by a sur- 
render of the democratic position and organ- 
ization, or by the adoption of new creeds and 
tests at the dictation of leaders who have sepa- 
rated from the democratic party, who have 
declared it dissolved, and aim, through affilia- 
tion with whigs and abolitionists, to produce 
that consummation. 



To the frlenils of the Demo- 
cratic Cause. 



oj¥e i>oll.\u a year. 

We would remind our Democratic friends 
throughout the State, that the Weekly Ar- 
gus is now published at the low price of One 
Dollar a year. 

We have made this liberal reduction as much 
with a view of enabling every Democrat to 
have in a convenient form, a record of the po- 
litical movements in the State and Union, at the 
same time giving a good general newspaper, 
as to any view of pecuniary benefit to ourselves. 

We have printed a large edition of tlie pres- 
ent number, and can supply all who may wish 
to date their subscriptions from the i»resent 
time. 
Aug. 31, 1849. CROSWELI.S & SEIAW. 



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